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c. R. ^t:lson, M.A., 


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{All rights reserved.) 


The Consultation Books for the years 1704 to 1710, 
with an introductoiy account of the early history of the 
English in Bengal, and addenda giving new extracts from 
Thomas Pitt's correspondence, and new accounts of Bengal 
in the seventeenth century. 


In the present volume, and in those which are to follow, 
I propose to do two things. 

In the first place, I propose to publish extracts from the 
records preserved in the India Office which deal with the 
history of the English at Calcutta during the first half of the 
eighteenth century. This period is the dark age of British 
India. Thanks to the researches of Bruce, and still more 
recently of Sir Henry Yule, a considerable amount of infor- 
mation is available as to the history of the English in Bengal 
up to the first years of the eighteenth century. From this 
point hardly anything is known till we reach the year 1748, 
at which date Long began his selections from the records 
of the Government of Bengal. There is thus a gap in our 
knowledge of Calcutta history, which needs to be filled up. 

In the second place, out of the new materials which I 
shall publish and the old which we already possess, I pro- 
pose to construct the history of the English in Bengal. 

It is the duty of the scientific enquirer to show the causes 
of eveiy event. Is it not then strange that we are still 
without any adequate explanation of one of the greatest 
events of modem history, the English conquest of India ? 
That conquest was the necessary result of a long series of 
changes which preceded it, but of this we have no demon- 
stration. It remains not so much a subject of careful study 
as a matter for wonder, wonder the child of ignorance. 

The history of British India has yet to be written. We 
have yet to understand why the English conquered India 
and not the Portuguese, French, or Dutch. We have yet to 
understand why it was from Bengal, not from Madras, or 
Bombay, that the English dominion took its rise. And we 


have yet to understand the necessary connection between 
the stages of the English advance into Bengal. 

Undoubtedly a necessary connection does exist. Every 
step is bound up with its antecedent and consequent steps 
according to those invariable laws of development which the 
genius of Hegel has discovered and explained. 

The first period in this history lasts from 1633 to 1660, 
during which the English take up a position in Bengal, 
aiming at nothing more than commerce under the protection 
of the Indian Government. 

This moment in the development is of necessity followed 
by its contradiction. In the period from 1661 to 1685 
English industrialism finds itself opposed by militarism. 
The English merchants are hampered by quarrels with the 
native powers, by quarrels with interloping rivals, by quarrels 
among themselves. At the end of this period we reach the 
extreme antithesis of the first position taken up by the 
English. Instead of trusting to their own peaceful intentions 
and to the promises of the Indian Government, they resolve 
to establish themselves in Bengal by force. 

In the period lasting from 1685 to 1690 the English in 
Bengal are in a state of flux. They wander from one policy 
to another policy, and from one station to another station. 
At last after repeated trials, they return to Bengal at the 
invitation of the Nabob and form a fortified settlement at 
Calcutta, thereby in a measure satisfying the claims both of 
industrialism and of militarism'. 

In the fourth period, which begins from 1690, the settle- 
ment thus reached takes definite shape. English trade is 
established in Bengal partly through the good-will of the 
inhabitants and with the acquiescence of the native govern- 
ment, and partly by the powerful position which the English 
had acquired. They command the sea, they dominate the 
river traffic from Patna to Saugor, and behind the river they 
are safely established at Calcutta. 


Is it too much to say that these four stages are connected 
together in a necessary sequence ? Is it fanciful to see in 
them the sein^ nichts, tverdeti, and dmein of English commerce 
in Bengal ? 

In this volume I publish summaries and extracts from 
the Bengal Public Consultations for the years 1704 to 1710, 
and in the introduction I have given the history of the 
English in Bengal up to and including the period covered by 
these records. 

Resident as I am in India, only able to pay brief hurried 
visits to England, I have myself not been able to do more 
than read through the records in the India Office, indicate 
what extracts should be made, and verify my printed copy 
by comparison with the original. The actual copying out of 
the extracts was undertaken for me by my friend, Miss 
Stifevenard, who was good enough to devote many months to 
the work, and to whom consequently I can never be suffi- 
ciently thankful. 

In writing the introduction I have received much assist- 
ance from Sir W. W. Hunter, from Mr. C. TV. C. Oman, 
Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford, from Mr. J. Wells, 
Fellow of AYadham College, Oxford, and from Mr. E. M. 
Wheeler, Senior Tutor of Bishop's College, Calcutta, all of 
whom were so good as to read through my proofs and made 
many valuable suggestions. 

I am also greatly indebted to Babu Gour Das Bysack for 
my knowledge of the Setts and the By sacks, and of many 
other points in the local history of Calcutta. 

For the sake of clearness I have illustrated my text with 
a number of rough explanatory maps and plans. The 
geography of Bengal is constantly changing, and there are 
no accurate maps of the country before those made by 
Rennell at the end of the eighteenth century. Under these 
circumstances it is obvious that plans of places in the six- 
teenth and seventeenth centuries must be to a certain extent 


conjectural. I have done my best to base my plans on the 
most reliable data, and here too I have been much helped by 
various friends in clearing up local topographical details. 

Finally, my thanks are due to the Secretary of State for 
India in Council for allowing me to have access to the records 
in the India Office and to publish extracts from them, to the 
officials in charge of the records for courteous assistance of 
every kind, and to the Government of Bengal for giving me 
permission to use the Secretariat Press. 


Calcutta, November^ 1895. 


On page 235, in the table given in § 40, columns 5 and 6, for " Es." read 







MENx'. lt« 35 

Chapteb I. 
How the English came to Orissa . . 1 
The English at the Court of Malcandy 7 

Chapter III. 
The English factories at Balasor and Hariharaput in Orissa . . • .15 

Chapter FV. 
How the English advanced from Balasor to Hugli 23 

Chapteb V. 
How the English reorganised the Hugli agency 31 

How THBorGH opposmoy asd oppeessios the Exgush leabst that 


Chapteb I. 

How Sir Edward Winter first advocated a policy of retaliation and how he 

rebelled against the Court 37 

Chapteb II. 
How the English trade advanced in Bengid in spite of opposition . .45 

Chapteb III. 
How Streynsham Master twice visited the Bay and introduced reforms . 51 


Chaptbb IV. 


Condition of the English in Bengal in the days of Streynsham Master . . 61 

Chapter V. 

How William Hedges, first English Governor of Bengal, was sent to destroy the 

interlopers, and failed 71 

Chapter VI. 
How Hedges tried in vain to put an end to the exactions of the native rulers . 77 

Chapter VII. 
Hedges fails, but the idea of a fortified settlement prevails . . . .83 



Calcutta the place for their fortified trade centre . . . 91 to 137 

Chapter I. 
How the English ransacked Hugli and came to Sutanuti 91 

Chapter II. 

How the English attempted to occupy first Hijili and then Uluharia, but again 

returned to Sutanuti 103 

Chapter III. 

How the English after wandering over the Bay of Bengal, and sojourning at 

Madras, relumed once again to Sutanuti 113 

Chapter IV. 
Calcutta before the English 127 

How the En(3lish settled at Calcutta and built Port William . 139 to 217 

Chapter I. 
The English establish themselves at Sutanuti and begin to build their fort . 139 

Chapter II. 

The rival companies 151 

Chapter III. 
How the English wound up the separate affairs of the rival companies . . 159 


cuaptbr iv. _ 


The early days of the Rotation Government and its efforts to come to terms 

with the local rulers ^"^ 

Chapter V, 

How the Rotation Government completed the building of Fort William, but 

failed to come to terms with the local rulers 177 

Chapter VI. 
Calcutta under the Rotation Government : its population and administration . 189 

Chapter VII. 
Calcutta under the Rotation Government : the life of its inhabitants . . . 199 

Chaptek VTII. 
Calcutta imder the Rotation Government : its bmldings 209 


FOR THE YEARS 1704 TO 1710 219 to 342 

ADDENDA 343 to 404 

Additional exteacts fbom thb Ixdia Office Recoeds .... 345 

Shipping lists of the East India Company 367 

Bengal in Goveenob Pitt's Coebbspondence 369 


1661 to 1683 375 


1530 (circ.) The Portuguese begin to frequent Bengal. J.TLeir ships anchor in 

Garden Eeach at Betor. 
1560 (circ.) The Setts and Bysacks found Gobindpur >nd afterwards establish 

the Sutanuti Hat. 
1575 (circ.) The Portuguese settle at HuglL The Thana forts are built. 

1620 Hughes and Parker are sent from Agra to Patna. 

1632 The Portuguese are expelled from Hugli. Peter Mendy is sent 

from Agra to Patna and reports against trading there. 

1633 The Governor of Orissa grants freedom of trade to Ealph Cart- 

wright, who found English factories at Hariharapur and at 

Balasor. The Portuguese return to Hugli. 
1636 The Portuguese are expelled from Hijili. Decay of Pipli. 

1638 Grant to the English by Shah Jahan. 

1640 Foundation of Fort St, George. 

1642 Thomas Day visits Balasor and advises its retention. 

1645 Gabriel Boughton sent to Agra. 

1651 Stephens and Bridgeman establish a factory at Hugli which becomes 

the chief station of the Bay with agencies at Balasor, Patna, 
Cassimbazar, and Bajmahal. 

1652 Letters Patent granted to the English by Shah ShnjS'. 

1653 Powle Walgrave, chief at Hugli. 

1658 George Gawton, chief at Hugli. Eeorganisation of the establishments 

in the Bay. Accession of Aurangzeb. Death of Shah Shnja. 
Mir Jamlah, Governor of Bengal. The English are forced to 
pay annually Rs. 3,000 in lieu of custom. 

1658 Sept. Jonathan Trevisa succeeds Gawton as Agent and Chief in the Bay. 

1661 Trevisa seizes a native boat. Anger of Mir Jumlah. The Mogul 

expedition to Assam. 
1663 Death of Mir Jumlah. Shayista Khan, "Viceroy of Bengal. Sir 

Edward Winter, Governor of Fort St. George. William Blake, 

Agent at Hugli. Winter's forward policy. 
166b Jan, Winter superseded by Foxcroft. 
1666 Sept. Winter rebels and seizes Fort St. George. 

1666 Shayista Khan takes Chittagong. 

1667 First grant to the English by Aurangzeb. 


1668 Foxcroft restored. Stock for Bengal, £31,000. New factory at 

Dacca. Establishment of the Bengal Pilot Service. 

1669 Shem Bridges, Agent in Bengal. 

1670 Walter Clavell, Agent in Bengal. Bengal to supply all saltpetre. 

1672 Sir W. Langhorne, President at Fort St. George. Order by 

Shayista Khan freeing the English trade of all dues except the 
annual tribute of Rs. 3,0U0. 

1673 The Court send skilled artisans to Bengal to improve the silk. 

1675 Stock for Bengal, £85,000. Growth of the saltpetre trade. 

1676 Streynsham Master sent to reform and regulate the establishments 

in the Bay. New Factory at Malda. 

1677 Matthias Vincent, Agent in Bengal. The stock rises to £100,000. 

Shayista Khan leaves. 

1678 Letters Patent granted by Muhammed A'zam, Viceroy of Bengal. 

The Eev. John Evans, first Bengal Chaplain reaches Hugli. 

1679 Second visit of Master to the Bay. Captain Stafford makes the 

passage up the river to Hugli in the Falcon. 

1680 Shayista Khan returns. Ambiguous rescript of Aurangzeb. Stock 

for Bengal, £150,000. 

1682 William Hedges, first English Governor of Bengal. Fruitless 

negotiations at Dacca. 

1683 Mismanagement of Hedges. 

1684 Hedges displaced. John Beard I, Agent under Fort St. George. 
1686 Quarrel between Charnock and the Nabob. Death of John 

Beard I. 

1686 Job Charnock, Agent at Hugli. Arrival of the fleet. 

1686 Oct. The skirmish at Hugli. 

1686 Dec. The English retire to Sutanuti. 

1687 Jan. The Sutanuti articles, 

1687 Feb. The English burn the King's salt houses, take the Thana forts, seize 

Hijili, and sack Balasor. 
1687 May Arrival of the Mogul general at Hijili. His sudden attack on the 

1687 Jiine. Eeinforcement under Captain Denham. The English withdraw to 

1687 July First order from the Nabob. 
1687 Aug. Second order from the Nabob. 

1687 Sept. Charnock returns to Siitanuti, 

1688 Eyre and Bradyll sent to Dacca to negotiate for Sutanuti. 
1688 Sept. Arrival of Captain Heath. 

1688 Nov. Heath and the English leave Sutanuti. Attack on Balasor. 

1688 Dec. Heath starts for Chittagong. 

1689 Jan. The council of war decides not to attack Chittagong. 
1689 Feb. The English withdraw to Madras. 


1690 Proclamation of Aurangzeb. 

1690 34 Aug. Foundation of Calcutta. 

1693 Death of Job Charaock. Aurangzeb suspends all the privileges 

of the European traders. Sir John Goldsborough at Calcutta. 

1694 Charles Eyre, Agent in Bengal. Loss of the Royal James and 

Mary in the Hngli. 

1696 Eebellion of Cubha Singh. The English begin to build a fort at 


1697 Building of the north-east bastion. 'Azimu-sh-Shan, Viceroy of 


1698 Grant of the three villages by Prince 'Azimu-sh-Shan. Foundation 

of the new English East India Company. 

1699 John Beard II, Agent at Calcutta. Sir W. Korris, ambassador to 

the Mogul. Sir E. Littleton, representing the new Company, 
arrives in Bengal. 

1700 Energetic efforts of the old Company. The Calcutta fort to be 

enlarged. Sir Charles Eyre, first President of Fort William in 
Bengal. Ralph Sheldon, first Collector of Calcutta. Benjamin 
Adams, second Bengal Chaplain. 

1701 John Beard II, President. Building of the south-east bastion. 

Norris's fruitless negotiations with Aurangzeb. Mnrshid Quli 
Khan, Treasurer. 

1702 Aurangzeb orders all the English goods to be seized. Kuin of the 

English Company in Bengal. Safety of Calcutta. "A fort 
better than an ambassador." Union of the rival Companies. 

1703 Winding up the separate affairs of the rival Companies. Quarrels 

between the Prince and the Treasurer. Murshid Quli Khan 
made Deputy Governor as well as Treasurer. 

1704 to 1707 Fruitless negotiations with Morshid Quli Khan. 

1704 Installation of the Eotation Government. Benjamin Bowcher, 

Collector of Calcutta. Scheme for a church. 

1705 Death of John Beard II at Madras. 

1705 Oct. John Cole, Collector. 

1706 April Arthur King, Collector. 

1706 Oct. John Maisters, Collector. 

1707 Death of Aurangzeb. Shah 'Alam wins the race for Empire. Battle 

of Jaju. Building of the north-west and south-west bastions 
of Fort William. Building of the Hospital. Survey of the three 
villages. Death of Littleton. 
1707 Feb. Ab. Adams, Collector. 

1707 Aug. W. Bugden, Collector. 

1708 Temporary alarm at Calcutta owing to the threats of the Governor 

of Hugli. Eenewed efi"orts to secure a grant of privileges. 
Disputes with the Prince and the Treasurer. Death of Kam 
1708 Eapid growth of Calcutta. 


1709 The Prince and Treasurer leave Bengal for Delhi. Sher Bulland 

Khan, the new Deputy Governor, grants the English an order for 
Es. 45,000. At Madras Pitt proposes to send a present to the 

1709 Consecration of St. Anne's. Digging of the great pond or tank 

and completion of the riverside face oE the fort. Death of 

1709 Ap. Sam. Blount, oflSciating Collector for W. Lloyd. 

1709 Nov. Sher Bulland Khan recalled. The new Treasurer tries to exact 

money from the English. 

1710 The new Treasurer is murdered by the Naqdi horse. Murshid 

Quli returns as Treasurer and Deputy-Governor. Zainu-d-Dia 
Khan, Governor of Hugli and Admiral in the Bay. Antony 
Weltden, President of Fort William. 

1710 Jan. Spencer, Collector. 

1710 July. J. Calvert, Collector. 











The advance of the English from the Coromandel Coast up the 
Bay of Bengal, like the recent advances of the Russians in Asia, was 
primarily due to the enterprise of local officers. In March 1633, the 
Company's Agent at Masulipatam, meeting with a growing scarcity 
of cloth in that place, resolved on sending out an expedition to open 
up trade with the fertile provinces at the mouth of the Ganges. 
The party, which consisted of eight Englishmen, set sail in a country 
boat such as may still be seen in many of the ports along the coast, 
an odd-looking but serviceable craft, having a square sail, an oar-like 
rudder, and a high poop, with a thatched house built on it for a cabin. 



On reaching Harsapur or Haricpur, the modern Haricpur Gar, at 
the mouth of the Patua/ in Orissa, they transferred themselves and their 
merchandise to small boats, and so ascended the river some eight miles, 
as far as Kosida. Here they took the high road to Cuttack which then, 
as now, passed through Balikuda, the chief village of the fiscal division 
of Benahar, and the important town of Jagatsimhapur, or, as it was till 
lately called, Hariharapur.^ From Cuttack the travellers repaired to 
the court of Malcandy, or Mukund Deo, in Fort Barabati, where 
they were received with great kindness by the reigning nabob. 

To-day the journey may well seem commonplace, but it was then 
a wonderful and hazardous undertaking.^ Much, indeed, had the 
travellers heard of the countries to which they were going, but they 
knew little. They distrusted the native inhabitants ; they stood in awe 
of the high and mighty Mogul who had lately so terribly visited the 
Portuguese,^ and above all they dreaded those very Portuguese whose 
jealousy could brook no rivals. The history of this first coming of the 
English has therefore all the interest which attaches to new voyages 
of discovery and adventure. Let William Bruton, of the parish of 
St. Saviour's, Southwark, quartermaster of the good ship Kopewell, and 
one of the founders of the English trade in Bengal, begin the story in 
his own words.^ 

1 This river is called E. Patali above, and E. Patua below, Basanta-Patali, 
and at its mouth K. Boita-kuliya, ship-haven, a name significant of the former 
importance of the now sand-barred harbour of Harippur. 

2 Hariharapur, the city of the Tawny One and the Grasping One, i.e., the city 
of Vishnu and ^iva combined, Hariharapur is eleven miles from Balikuda, 
and about twenty-five miles from Cuttack. It was the capital of a pargana and 
a subdivision of Orissa. Hariharapur and Jagatsiitihapur, to the north of Hari- 
harapur, are contiguous villages on the road from Eosida to Cuttack, from 
which they are distant some twenty-five miles. Till the beginning of the nmeteenth 
century Hariharapur was the principal village, and the place went by that name. 
To-day Jagatsiihhapur has supplanted it. The river at Hariharapur is the Alanka. 
Bruton's town of Hariharapur, six or seven miles in compass, must have included 
all the neighbouring villages. 

3 "The first thinge (of Note) that was Acted after our Cominge vato this 
Coast." Hedges' Diary, III, 178. 

■• In 16.S2, by order of Shah Jahau, Qasim Khan destroyed the Portuguese 
settlement at Hugli after an obstinate siege of more than three months. 

6 " News from the East Indies or a Voyage to Bengalla Weittbn by 

William Beuton, now resident in the parish of St. Saviour's, Sout/noark, 

and now lately came Homo in the good Ship called The Hopetoel of London 

Imprinted at London by I. Okes .1638." This voyage is reprinted in 

vol. viii, of a Collection of Voyages and Travels published by Osborne in 1762, and 
also in vol. v. of the enlarged edition of " Hakluyt " of 1809-12. I have printed 
Bruton's account as it appears in the edition of 1752, without altering the 
punctuation or spelling. 


" The twenty-second of J/«rc/<, 1632 [/.e., 1633 N. S.], I being in 
the country of Cormandell with six Englishman more, at a place called 
Massalupatam, a town of merchandize, Mr, John Norris, the agent 
there, was resolved to send two merchants into Bengalla for the settling 
of a factory there: and these six Englishmen (of the which I was 
one) were to go with the merchants, and withal to carry a present 
from the agent to the nabob, or king of that country, to obtain the 
promises that formerly he had granted to the English for traffic, and to 
be custom-free in those of his dominions and ports. Wherefore a 
Junk^aa hired at Massalupatam, io be our convoy; and the ssA^junk 
did belong unto those parts, and the names of the Englishmen, that 
were appointed for that voyage, were Mr. Ralph Cartwriyht, merchant, 
Mr. Thomas Colley second, William Bruton, John Dobson, Edward 
Peteforde, John Busby, John Ward, and William Withall. 

" Though we hired the aforesaid junk, March 22, yet it was the 
sixth of April following, before we could be fitted to depart from Mas- 
salupatam, and in much various weather with many difficulties and 
dangers (which to relate here would be tedious, and impertinent to my 
intended discourse) ; the twenty-first of April, being then Easter-day, 
we were at anchor in a bay before a town called Harssapoore : it is a 
place of good strength with whom our merchants hold commerce with 
correspondency. Tliis twenty-first day in the morning Mr. Ralph 
Carticright sent the money ashore to the governor of Harssapoore to take 
it into his safe keeping and protection until such time he came ashore 
himself. So presently there came a Portugal frigate fiercely in hos- 
tility towards us, but we made ready for their entertainment and 
fitted ourselves and the vessel for our best defences ; but at last they 
steered ofE from us, and, upon our command, she came to an anchor 
somewhere near us, and the master of her came on board of us, who 
being examined whence he came and whither he was bound, to which 
demands he answered nothing worthy of belief as the sequel showed : 
for he seemed a friendly trader, but was indeed a false invader (where 
opportimity and power might help and prevail) ; for, on the 22nd 
day, Mr. Cartwright went ashore to the governor of Harssapoore; 
and on the twenty-fourth day, the said master of the frigate (with 
the assistance of some of the ribble-rabble rascals of the town) did set 
upon Mr. Cartwright and Mr. Colley, where our men (being oppressed 
by multitudes) had like to have been all slain or spoiled, but that 
{Lucklip) the rogger ^ (or vice-king there) rescued them with two 
hundred men. 

Lakshmip the raja, 

B 2 



" In this fray Mr. Thomas Colley was sore hurt in one of his hands, 
and one of our men much wounded in the leg and head ; their nockada,^ 
or India pilot, was stahbed in the groin twice, and much mischief 
was done and more intended : but by God's help all was pacified. 

" The twenty-seventh day of April we took leave of the governor 
and town of Harssapoore (I mean three of us) ; namely, Mr. Cart- 
wright, William Bruion, and John Dobson, leaving Mr. Colley and the 
four men with him, till news could be sent back to them from the 
nabob's court at Cutteke or Malcander^ of our success and proceedings 
there with our other goods ; for he is no wise merchant, that ventures 
too much in one bottom, or that is too credulous to trust Mahometans 
or Infidels. 

" And having laden our small boats with the goods which were 
gold, silver, cloth and spices (of which spices those parts of India are 
wanting), and they almost are as dear there as in England, we 
passed some two leagues and a half in water ; and after that the said 
goods were carried by land in carts, till we came to a great town 
Balkkada, but it was more than three hours after sun-setting, or late 
before we came thither. 

1 NakhudS (Pers,), a native skipper. *^ 

2 Malcander, or Malcandy, seems to be a corrupt form for Makan Deo or 
Mukund Deo. Mukund Deo (Sanskrit, Mukanda Deva) was the last indigenous 
ruler of Orissa. He became king in 1550 A.D., six years before Akbar ascended 
the throne. In 1567 Sulaiman Shah Eirani, the Viceroy of Bengal, sent 
Kalapahar, a fanatic Musulman, to conquer Orissa, and Mukund Deo fell in fight 
at Jajpur. Mukund Deo built a magnificent palace at Cuttack, which JBruton 
speaks of as the "Court of Malcandy." 

"The city of Cuttack," says Abu-1 Fazl in the ^In-i-Akbari, "has a stone 
fort situated at the bifurcation of the two rivers, the Llahanadi, held in high 
veneration by the Hindus, and the Katjuri. It is the residence of the Governor 
and contains some fine buildings. For five or six kos round the fort, during the 
rains, the country is under water. Eaja Mukund Deo built a palace here with nine 
courts [literally, ' of nine ashianaJis or nests '] ." In giving the list of the 
mahals in the sarkar of Katak, Abu-1 Fazl again briefly notes that Katak Banaras 
is a suburban district with a city, having a stone fort of great strength, and a 
masonry palace within. The palace was in time abandoned by the Musalmaa 
Governors who preferred to live in the Lalbagh, on "the south side of the city. 
It is now a wilderness of stone pits. 

The construction of Fort Barabati has been assigned to various monarchs with 
various dates. Sterling thinks it was built by Raja Ananga Bhima Deva in the 
fourteenth century. The stone work has been taken by the Public Works 
Department to build lighthouses and hospitals, and to pave roads. 

The ditch of the fort, however, still remains, and so does the gate, which is 
still approached by a causeway. The palace of Mukand Deo, like all eastern 
palaces, had a gathering of populace and artificers about it, and this is apparently 
■what Bruton means by the " town of Malcandy." 


" The twenty-eighth day of April in the morning, the governor 
of this town came and saluted our merchant, and promised him that 
whatsoever was in his power to do him any friendly courtesy he should 
command it : and indeed he was in every way as good as his word ; for 
he lent us horses to ride on and cowlers^ (which are porters) to carry 
our goods ; for at this town the carts did leave us and our goods 
were carried on men's shoulders ; then we set forwards, being accom- 
panied with the governor, with his music, which were shalms, and 
pipes of sundry forms, much after the forms of waits or hautboys, 
on which they played most delicately out of tune, time, and measure. 
In this manner the governor with a great number of people, did 
bring us about half an Enylish mile out of the town, where he courte- 
ously took his leave of us, but yet he sent his servants with us as 
guides, and that they might bring his horses unto him that he lent us. 

" This day at the hours of between eleven and twelve of the clock, 
it was so excessively hot, that we could not travel ; and the wind blew 
with such a sultry scalding heat, as if it had come forth of an oven or 
furnace ; such a suffocating fume did I never feel before or since : and 
here we were forced to stay near three hours, till the sun was declined, 
we having happily got under the shadow of the branches of a great 
tree all that time. Then we set forward for the town of Har/mrrapoore : 
which, in the space of two hours, or a little more, we drew near unto : 
BO we staid awhile, till our carriages were come up together unto 
us ; which done, there met us a man, who told us that his master staid 
our coming: then we speedily prepared ourselves for the meeting 
of so high esteemed a person: and, when we came to the town's end, 
there met us at a great pagodo or pagod,- which is a famous and sumptu- 
ous temple or church for their idolatrous service and worship there used : 
and, just against that stately and magnificent building, we were enter- 
tained and welcomed by one of the king's greatest noblemen, and his most 
dear and chiefest favourite, who had a letter from the king his master, 
and was sent from him to meet us, and to conduct us to his court. The 
nobleman's name was Mersymomeine ;^ he received us very kindly, and 
made us a very great feast, or costly collation, before supper ; which 

* Quit, the ordinary word used in India for hired labourers. 

' Babu M. M. Chakravarti tells me that there still is at Hariharapur an old 
temple dedicated to Cira, locally known as Somnalh. But he also aro'ues 
that, if Mirza Momin stopped in the pagoda, it could not have been a Hindu 
temple and may have been a pavilion erected for royal encampments, such as we 
find elsewhere in Orissa. 

^ i.e., MirzS Momin. 


being done, we departed for our surroy^ or inn, where we lay all night 
with our goods ; but Mersymomeine stayed with his followers and 
servants in his and their tents at the pagod. 

" The twenty-ninth day of April we staid at Harharrapoote, and 
visited this great man ; but the greatest cause of our staying was by 
reason of the nockada, or pilot, of the frigate, whose men affronted 
and hurt some of our men at Harssupoore ; for which cause the frigate 
was staid there, and the pilot of her came to this great man, thinking 
by gifts to win him to clear his vessel ; but he would not be allured 
by such rewards or promises; but told him that he must appear 
before the nabob and seek to clear himself there. 

" The thirtieth day of Aprils we set forward in the morning in our 
way to the city of Coteke (it is a city of several miles in compass, 
and it standeth a mile from Malcanuy, where the court is kept) : but 
Mr. Cartwright staid behind, and came after us accompanied by the 
said nobleman : we went all the day on our journey, till the sun 
went down ; and then we staid for our merchant, being eight Eng- 
lish miles from Coteke : and about twelve or one of clock at night they 
came where we were : so we hasted, and suddenly got all our things 
in readiness, and went along with them ; and about the time of three 
or four of clock in the morning, we came to the house of this Mersy- 
momeine at Coteke, being May-day. 

** Here we were very well entertained, and had a great variety of 
sundry sorts of meats, drinks, and fruits. About eight of the clock, 
Mersymomeine went to the court, and made known to the king that the 
English merchant was come to his house: then the king caused a 
great banquet to be speedily prepared, and to be sent to the house 
of Mersymomeine^ which banquet was very good and costly. Then, 
about three or four of the clock in the afternoon, we were sent for to 
the court of Malcandy, " 

' i.e., Sarai, an edifice, a palace, but in India a building for the accommodation 
of travellers. 



To the north of the city, at the bifurcation of the Mahanadi and the 
Katjurl, stood the citadel of Cuttack, Fort Barabati, a spacious area, a 
mile and-a-half in circumference, defended by a broad ditch faced with 
masonry, by double walls of stone, and by square sloping bastions 
which clearly bespoke its indigenous origin. Fifty years before the 
coming of the English, Mukund Deo, the last Hindu ruler of Orissa, 
had built within it a castle of grey granite with nine lofty courts, 
but he had lost his kingdom to the Moslem, and Agha Muhammad 
Zaman of Tahran, a Mogul viceroy, now abode in the stately palace 
of "Malcandy." The English travellers reached the place from the 
east, over a long narrow causeway, and were conducted through a 
labyrinth of buildings to the court of public audience. 

Here Bruton and his companions awaited the coming of his 
Highness, and found themselves objects of much curiosity. At last 
the word came that the nabob was approaching. The place was 
forthwith spread with rich carpets, gold pillars being placed at the 
comers to hold them down, and in the middle a red velvet bolster for 
his Highness to recline against. Then, preceded by his brother, a 
comely man carrying a sword, accompanied by fifty grave looking 
courtiers, and greeted on all sides with low prostrations, came the 


Mogul Governor, a fair and stately personage, leaning his arms upon 
two of his attendants. This v^as Agha Muhammad Zaman/ a Persian 
grandee, born in Tahran, who was in high favour with the Emperor 
Shah Jahan, and had recently been sent to Orissa to wage war against 
the king of Golkouda. He very affably inclined his head towards 
Mr. Cartwright, who was presented to him by Mirza Momin, and, 
slipping off his sandal, offered "his foot to our merchant to kiss, 
which he twice refused to do, but at last he was fain to do it." 

Then the nabob and the whole court sat down cross-legged. The 
English merchant brought forth his presents, and made his requests to 
the nabob for trading privileges. But, by the time he had reached the 
end of his story, the king's almoner gave the signal for prayers, and the 
whole company knelt down with their faces towards the setting sun. 
Prayers being ended, and business laid aside, the palace was soon 

^ Bruton does not tell us the name of the nabob, whom he saw in 1633, and 
who gave Cartwright the order for free trade in Orissa. All that we could 
infer from this narrative is that the nabob had recently succeeded Baqir Khan, 
that he was a white man, and possibly that he was a Persian. But from a list 
of State papers found in the United Trade Consultations Book for 1704, under 
the date of the 19th. February, we find that the name of Cartwright's nabob was 
Agha Muhammad Zaman. From other sources it appears that Agha Muhammad 
Zaman was a Persian, born in Tarhan, who was one of the high officials of 
Jahangir. He served in Bengal for a long time, and was Tuquldar and Faujdar 
of Sylhet. On the accession of Shah Jahan, his allowance of two thousand 
rupees, and his command of one thousand horse were allowed to remain. Accord- 
ing to the Padshah Namah, in 1049 H., i.e. 1630-31 A.D., he was serving in 
Bengal. The next year he was raised to a higher rank, that is his allowance and 
command were increased. In 1044 H., or 1634-5 A.D., he is mentioned as attend- 
ing the court of Shah Jahan, and presenting two elephants and nine horses 
brought from Bengal. In the same year he accompanied Islam Khan, who was 
sent to Bengal as governor. In 1047 H. he was sent by Islam Khan to carry 
on war in Kuch Hajar, and f jr the next few years fought with some success 
again t the Assamese. For these services he was raised to a still higher rank. 
In 1051 H. Shah Jahan having given the province of Orissa to Shah Shuja', 
directed him to send Muhammad Zaman Tahrani to govern that province. In 
1055 H. Mu'taqid Khan succeeded him, and Muhammad Zaman was sent to Balkh 
to serve under Prince Aurangzeb. 

There is thus no mention of his being governor of Orissa in 1633 A.D. 
On the contrary the Padshah Njimah says that Baqir Khan, who was nabob 
of Orissa at the succession of Shah Jahan, was succeeded by Mu'taqid Khan 
in 1041 H., or 1631-2 A.D., who was succeeded by Nawaz Khan in 1049 H., or 
] 639-40 A.D. Muhammad Zaman was made governor of Orissa and displaced 
Nawaz Khan in 1050 H. 

In the face of the evidence of the English records there can be no doubt 
that the Persian authorities are in error here as they often are. Baqir Khan 
was succeeded by Muhammad Zaman in 1631-32 A.D,, who was succeeded by 
Mu'taqid Khan in 1044 H., or 1634-5 A.D. Thus Muhammad Zaman was twice 
governor of Orissa, and was twice succeeded by Mu'taqid Khan. 


ablaze with countless wax tapers which the attendants lighted up with 
great ceremony. Between eight and nine o'clock the English returned 
to Cuttack. 

" The second day we came in the afternoon again to the court 
before the nabob, which being set, there met us at the dcrbar ^ (or 
council house) our old enemy, the noclxoda of the frigate, who made a 
great complaint against us, that we had fought to make prize of his 
vessel, and to take his goods by force : he had likewise given a great 
gift to a nobleman, to stand his friend, and speak in his behalf. 

" Our merchant pleaded likewise, that all such vessels as did trade 
on the coast and had not a pass either from the Englishy Danes, or 
Dutch, were lawful prize. He answered that he had a pass. Our 
merchant told him to produce the same before the nabob, and he 
would clear him ; to which the nabob and the whole council agreed ; 
but he could shew no pass from any of the aforenamed three nations, 
but he shewed two passes from or of the Portugah, whicli they call by 
the name of fringes ^ ; and thus was he cast, and we had the better of 
him before the king and council. 

" But then stood up the nobleman to whom he had given a reward 
(who had also a little knowledge or insight in sea affairs), and said, 
What stranger, seeking a free trade, could make prize of any vessel 
within any of the sounds, sesis, roads or harbours of his majesty's 
dominions? This he spoke not so much for the good of the king, but 
thinking and hoping, that the vessel, by this means, should have been 
clear'd with all her goods, and the nockada (or pilot) acquitted ; that 
so, by those means, he might have gained the more and greater 
rewards; but he was quite deceived in his vain expectation; for the 
nabob perceiving that she belonged to Pipely, a port-town of the 
Portugah, whom the nabob affects not, where the Portugah were 
resident, and that she was not bound for any of his ports, he made 
short work with the matter, and put us all out of strife presently ; for 
he confiscated both vessel and goods all to himself, whereby the 
nobleman was put by his hopes, who was indeed a governor of a great 
sea-town, where to much shipping belonged, and many ships and 
other vessels built. Our merchant seeing that he could not make 
prize of the vessel or the goods, nor have any satisfaction for the 
wrongs which he and our men had received, he rose up in great anger, 

> i.e., darhar, a court or levee. 

^ Farangl, a Frank. The term is used in India, as here, to denote the Indian- 
born Portuguese. 


and departed, saying, that if he could not have right here, he would 
have it in another place ; and so went his way, not taking his leave 
of the naboby nor of any other : at which abrupt departure they all 

*' The third day in the morning the king sent for our merchant by 
the lord comptroller of his court, who went with him accompanied with 
Merssymomeine and others to the Derbar, where there was a very grave 
assembly set : then come the king, who, being set, he smiled upon our 
merchant, and (by an interpreter) demanded the cause why he went away 
the last evening (or overnight) in such an anger ? To whom he answered 
boldly, and with a stern undaunted countenance, that he had done his 
masters of the honourable company wrong, and, by his might and power, 
had taken their rights from them, which would not be so endured or put 
up. The king, hearing this, demanded of the assembly, which were as 
well merchants as nobles, in the Persian tongue, of what strength and 
force our shipping were, their number, burthen, and force ; where our 
chief place of residence was for trading : he likewise sent for Persian 
merchants and diligently enquired of them the same demands and 
questions: who answered, that we had great trading on the coast of 
Cormandelf India ^ and Persia ; and likewise in the south seas, as 
Pantam, JaparOy Janbee, and Mocossor. ^ They further told the nabob 
that our shipping was great, and of great force withal ; and likewise 
if his pleasure was such as to be at odds with us, there neither could, 
would, or should any vessel, great or small, that did belong to these 
parts, stir out of any havens, ports, or harbours, of his majesty's domi- 
nions, but they would take them, for they were not able to withstand 
their force. At these words the king said but little, but what he 
thought is beyond my knowledge to tell you. 

*' Then the King turned to our merchant, and told him, in Moors 
language (the which he could very well understand), that he should 
grant the English free trade upon these conditions following : — 

" That if the English ship or ships should at any time see any ship 
or ships, jw/jA; or Junks, or any other vessel of the naboVsy or any of his 
subjects, in distress, either by foul weather, or in danger of enemies, or 

* i.e., the Malabar Coast. 

^ Bantam is on the west and Japara on the north coast of Java. Jambi is the 
name of a Malay State on the north-eastern side of Sumatra. Macassar used 
to be the name of a people of Celebes inhabiting the extreme end of its south- 
western peninsula. Captain Lancaster established a factory at Bantam in 1603. 
In ]6l3 a ship was sent for the first time to Jambi, "hitherto not discovered by 
any Christians." In 1626 a factory was established at Japara. 


in any other extremity, that we (the English) should help, aid, and 
assist them, to our powers ; or, if it happened they were in want of 
cables, anchors, water, victuals, or any other necessaries whatsoever, 
that did belong to them, that we, the said English, should help them 
as we were able ; likewise that we, the said English, should not make 
prize of any vessel belonging to any of the dominions of the said nabob ; 
and that we, the said English, should not make prize of any ship, ves- 
sel or vessels, within the ports, rivers, roads, or havens of the nabob, 
though they were our enemies ; but at the sea we might make prize of 
them, if we could. To this all our merchants agreed. Then the king 
caused articles on his part to be drawn and published in this manner 
following : — 

" ' Here I, the said nabob, vice-king and governor of the country of 
Woodia,^ under the great and mighty prince Pedesha Shassallem,^ 
do give and grant free licence to the aforesaid Ralph Carttcright, mer- 
chant, to trade, buy, sell, erport, and transport, by shipping, either off 
or upon the shore, not paying anyjunken or custom, nor any under me 
to cause them to pay any : likewise, that if they do convey goods by 
shore between factory and factory, or any other place, for their better 
advantage of gain, within these his dominions, I strictly charge and 
command, that no governor, custom-gatherer, or other oflBcer whatso- 
ever, shall make or cause them to pay any Junken* or customs; but 
shall suffer them to pass free, without lett, hindrance, molestation, or 
interruption of stayage, but shall (I say) help and further them in 
anything that shall be the furtherance of their business. Morever, I 
do grant to the English merchants to take ground, and to build houses 
fitting for their employments, and where they shall see convenient for 
their best utility and profits, without lett or hindrance of any of my 
loving subjects. 

" * And further, I do give and grant to the English merchants free 
license to build shipping, small or great, or any other vessel they think 
best and fittest for their occasions and uses ; they paying no more than 
the custom of the country to the workmen ; and likewise to repair 
shipping, if any such occasion be to require it. 

" ' Likewise I the nabob do command, that no governor or officer 
whatsoever under me shall do the English any wrong, or cause any 

* This is Odiya or OdaoD, i.e., Orissa. All these forms are corruptions of the 
Sanskrit Odra-deca, which means the country of the Odras or Udras, but who the 
Odras were is not known. 

2 That is, Padshah Shah Jahan. 

' This viordjuiiA-en comes fi-om the Tamil chungam, meaning customs. 


to be done unto them, as they shall answer it at their perils, where- 
soever they are resident: neither shall any wrong be done to any 
servant of theirs, that doth belong unto them. 

" ' And again, if any controversy should be betwixt the English and 
the people of the country if the matter be of any moment, then the 
said cause shall be brouglit before me the nabob, at the court at 
Malcandy, and at the derbar I will decide the matter, because the 
English may have no wrong ( behaving themselves as merchants ought 
to do).' 

" This licence formed and given at the royal court of Malcandy, the 
third day of May 1633, but not sealed till the fifth day of May follow- 
ing, at night. 

"The fourth day of May the king sent a great banquet to the house 
of Merssymomeine, to our merchant ; and there came to this feast the 
great man that spake on the noekada's side against us, at the derbar, 
about the frigate aforesaid : he brought with him to our merchant for 
a present, a bale of sugar, a bottle of wine, and some sweetmeats, 
saying, he was sorry for the things done before and past, but if anything 
lay in him to do the company and him any good, he and they should 
be sure of it. This man was governor of a town called Bollasorye,^ 
a sea-town where shipping was built, as is aforesaid ; his name was 
Mercossom, ^ and understanding that the merchant was minded to 
travel that way, he promised him to do him all the courtesies that 
could be. 

" The fifth day of May, in the afternoon, we were before the king 
again at the derbar ; at our coming he called for our perwan^ (which 
was our warrant or licence), and then he added to it the free leave of 
coining moneys, and sealed it with his own signet himself, and so all 
things were strongly confirmed and ratified for our free trade in his 
territories and dominions."* 

' i.e., Balasor. 

' i.e., Mir Qasim. 

' That is partcana, an order. It technically denotes a grant signed by the 

■* The initiation of the trade with Bengal is usually ascribed to a farman sup- 
posed to have been granted to the English by ShUh Jahan on the 2nd February 
1634, allowing them liberty to trade in Bengal, but confining them to Pipli. 
I have taken no notice o£ this story for the following reasons. — The only evidence 
produced to prove that there ever was -such a farman is a letter from the 
Council of Surat, dated the 21st February 1634, in which thiy state that on the 
2nd of that month they received a farman of this description, but they go on to 
say, somewhat incredulously ,that they had received " no English letter or syllable, 



On the 6th of May the nabob gave a great feast to the English 
at the court under a canopy of velvet of four colours, and invested 
Cartwright with a dress of honour. On the 8th of May they again went 
to the court to get a free pass and a safe convoy, and found the nabob 
busy with his war preparations. The next day they finally took leave 
of the court. 

•• Thus have I," says Bruton, "plainly and truly related the occur- 
rences that happened at the court of Malcandy : but although the palace 
of the nabof) bo so large in extent, and so magnificent in structure, 
yet he himself will not lodge in it, but every night he lodgeth in 
tents, with his most trusty servants and guards about him ; for it 
is an abomination to the Moguls (which are white men), to rest or sleep 
under the roof of a house that another man hath built for his own 
honour. And therefore he was building a palace, which he purposed 
should be a fabric of a rest, and future remembrance of his renown : he 
likewise keepeth three hundred women, who are all of them the 
daughters of the best and ablest subjects that he hath." 

private or public, directly or indirectly, concerning this or any other business." 
I may add that from that day to this no one has ever heard or seen one English 
letter or syllable, private or public, directly or indirectly, concerning this farman, 
and that there is no evidence that the English in Bengal ever went to Pipli, or 
ever heard that they had been permitted to do so. I may also point out 
that if the farman was granted at Agra on the 2nd of February, it could not 
have arrived at Surat on that same day. The farman of coiu-se originated in 
the imagination of the native interpreter, who was employed to translate the 
despatch from Agra, and who did his best to please his masters according to his 
lif^hts. Such farmans and rumours of farmans were common enough in those days, 
and we see that they did not put much faith in the story at Surat; yet it has 
been solemnly repeated as history ever since. 

According to the legend, the English established factories at Pipli in 1634, 
at Hugli in 1640, and at Balasor in 1642. The truth is that the English never 
had any factory at Pipli except in the imagination of the historians. Sir Henry 
Yule, who has examined all the records extant relating to this period, has not 
been able to find any e\ddence whatever of any such thing. Bruton gives us 
the authentic account of the origin of the English factory at Balasor. It 
was established there by Ealph Cartwright in 1633 A.D, in response to an 
invitation from the governor, Mir Qasim. Even without Bruton's circum- 
stantial account of the origin of the English factories at Hariharapur and 
Balasor in 1633, I should have thought that Day's letter would have shown our 
historians that the Balasor factory was established some years before 1642, 
Day says :— " Do not abandon Balasor after all your trouble and expense.'' This 
implies that the Enj^lish had already come there, yet the historians perversely 
argue that the English came to Balasor in 1642. In the next chapter but one 
I shall give the true account of the establishment of the flugli factory in 1650 A.D. 


1633 TO 1650. 


Leaving the court of the nabob, the English proceeded to found a 
factory at Hariharapur. " The ninth of May^ we gathered together all 
our things, and at night we departed from Coteke. The tenth, at the 
hour of two in the afternoon, we came to the town of Harharrapoore, and 
hosted in the house of our interpreter. The eleventh day we went to the 
governor of the town and shewed him our fermand} or commission 
from the king : the governor made a great salame, or court'sy, in rever- 
ence unto it, and promised his best assistance and help in anjtliing that 
he could do ; and there the said governor had a small present given 
to him. The twelfth day of May Mr. Thomas Colley came to us at 
Harharrapoore, and the rest of the Englishmen with him, with all the 
goods ; then we hired a house for the present, till such time as ours 
might be built, for our further occasions to the company's use. 

" This town of Harharrapoore is very full of people, and it is in 
bounds six or seven miles in compass ; there are many merchants in it 
and great plenty of all things : here is also cloth of all sorts, great store, 
for there do belong to this town at least three thousand weavers, that 
are housekeepers, besides all other that do work, being bound or 

"The fourteenth day, the two merchants went abroad, and found 
out a plot of land fitting to build upon ; then they laid the king's 
deroy ^ on it and seized upon it for the company's use ; and there was 
no man that did or durst gainsay them for doing the same. 

' That is farman, an order. It is used incorrectly here, as it properly denotes 
» grant sigoed by the Mogul. 

- Mar. durahi or Tel. durai: "a prohibition in the King's name for anyone 
to have anything to do with them till that be taken off." 


** The fifteenth day they hired workmen and labourers to measure the 
ground and to square out the foundation of the house, and likewise for 
the wall, which was one hundred conets ^ square, which is fifty yards, 
every oonet being half a yard or a foot and a half; and it behoved us 
to make haste for the time of the great rains was at hand. 

" The sixteenth day they laid the foundation of the walls, being nine 
feet thick : much haste was made and many workmen about it ; but 
this our first work was but labour lost and cast away, for it came 
to nothing. 

" For on the eighteenth day the rains began with such force and 
violence that it beat down all our work to the ground and washed it 
away as if there had not been anything done: this storm continued 
without ceasing (day and night), more or less, three weeks complete. 

" The sixteenth day of June Mr. Ralph Carlwright took his journey 
for Ballazary, and two Englishmen with him who were Edward Peteford 
and William Wifhall, and from thence he was minded to travel 
further into the country of BengallaJ^^ 

Meanwhile the Council at Masulipatam had not forgotten their 
mission to Orissa. The good ship Sican^ under the command of 
Edward Austin, had recently arrived from England ; and by a consul- 
tation held on the 27th June, it was decided that she and all her 
cargo, with Mr. Bannister and Mr. Littler, two new factors, should 
be sent on to Bengal to discover the condition and prospects 
of the trade in those parts, and to effect a permanent settlement. 
There were many reasons to be given for this decision. " Ffirst,^ for the 
trade 'twixt that and this place [Masulipatam], in Rice, Sugar, Butter, 
and divers other sorts of Provisions and course Commodities. Secondly, 
it affords Store of white cloths at Cheape Prices, such as is Suitable for 

England, Persia, and the Southwards Besides it yealdes good 

Store of exceeding good powder Sugar ^, which Costs not there above 
two pence halfe penny the English pound, with all charges aboard. As 

^ This seems to bo a misprint for covet or covid, a corruption of the Portu- 
guese covado, a cubit or ell. 

2 Bruton's voyage in Osborne's Collection of Voyages and Travels, volume 
VIII, p. 276, edition of 1752. 

3 Diary of William Hed.ges, edited for the Hakluyt Society by Colonel 
Henry Yule, volume III, pages 178, 179, edition of 1889. Bruce in his Annals 
of the East India Company altogether misunderstands this letter. See op. cit. 
I, p. 327, edition of 1810. 

* They do not appear to have thought so highly of this commodity at home. 
In September 1660, the Court gave orders not to purchase any more Bengal 
sugars for the future. 


much of this Commoditj as may be got timely enough for Persia, wo 
intend for that place by the Discovery. Gumlacke ^ vppon stickes is 
there to be had very Cheape, and is much required, as well for Macas- 
sar and Persia as for England Silke may there be Bought like- 
wise yearely to a great Summe at 4 in 5 fanams ^ the English pound. 

Divers other things it affords for Persia, as S/iashes, Stuffes, 

AllyjahSy^ fine Chite Cloths, and the like. Some whereof is now in 
Action for that place, and our Better experience will doubtless Bringe 
the rest Also within the compass of our future investments." 

On the 22nd of July, the Swan anchored off Haricpur and fired 
three guns; but as the English were all inland at Hariharapur, she got 
no answer. Having waited all night, they weighed anchor in the 
morning and went on to Ealasor, where they met Mr. Cartwright. ^ 

So far all had gone well with the English. But difficulties now 
began to arise in various directions. The new-comers were quite 
ignorant of the commercial needs of the people of Bengal. The 
goods brought out by the Sican were not of the right sort. She was 
chiefly laden with broadcloth and lead, but there was no demand for 
these commodities in Bengal, and so the whole of the cargo lay at 
Balasor for nearly a year without being sold.^ Neither the merchants 
nor the common sailors understood the necessity for severe self- 
restraint and temperance in these Eastern regions. The place abounded 
with fruit and arrack,^ and tbese when taken in excess produced the 
most lamentable consequences. " On the 2oth of August, in the morn- 
ing, Mr. Thomas Colley died of fever at Hariharapore,^ and on the 
17th October, John Poule, purser of the Sican, who had been sent 
from Balasor to take poor Colley's place, writes to Cartwright in the 

* Lac is a resinous incrustation produced on certain trees by the puncture of 
tlie lac insect. The material in its crude form is called stick lac. It contains 
sums 10 per cent, of dark red dye, and some 60 or 70 per cent, of resinous lac. 

^ Fandm denominates a small coin long in use in South India. It was an- 
ciently of gold, but latterly of silver. The Madas fanam was worth about two 

3 It is not possible now to discover the peculiarities of all the different sorts 
of Indian piece-goods. The alleja, we are told, came from Turkistan, and was 
a silk cloth, five yards long, with a wavy line pattern running in length on either 
side. A shash is a turban cloth, hence our "sash." Chitta means white. 

* Bruton's voyage as above. 

" Hedges' Diary as above, vol. Ill, page 179. 

^ Arrack is derived from the Arabic 'arak, meaning properly perspiration, and 
so the sap of the date-palm. In India the word denotes common spirit, especially 
that distilled from the fermented sap of palms. 

7 lb., vol. Ill, p. 180. 

* Bruton's voyage as above. 


following depressed strain : ^ " Your opinion of sending a man to 
Gugernat Et setera places, there to procure clotli would very well 
become our implyment had we but on home ^ we might truste in that 
bissines but you well know the fallsity and desaytfullness of our new 
imply ed servants is such that we Durst not depose confidence in them to 
the vallew of 10 roopees. Our servant Nirana cannot be well spared from 
this place. I doo therfore, my Sellfe intend so farr as I can gett 
musters of Cussai/es ^ which are now A making to Leave the oversight 
of this place vnto William Brut on and the broker, and A dress my Sealfe 
for the greate pogodo, ^ there soposing Likewise to put ofe part such 
Marchandise as heere Lyeth ded on our hands. The market of Saylls 
in Harrapore seimes at present as if there were no marchantes in tho 

Contrj' Those Portingalls whilome exspelled from Hvgly have 

found greate favor with Shawgahan and reentered that place to 
the number of 20 persones hows Cavidail-^ for their commensing A 
new investment is the third part of there goods ^ formerly cessed 
on which with Large priveliges and ta&hareefes'' with honor, the 
kinge hath bestowed on them bo that our expectation of Hugly 
is frustrayt and I feare likewise Pippely will be [not?] obtained 
beeing A convenient Randy vors of theirs wherefor som parsones have 
Latly complained to this Nabob of our seeking to put them from that 
porte; have Answered we eutended no Svch mater but only for Bolla- 
gary or Harssapoore, so with good delassa^ they were dismissed/' 

Altogether, in 1633, five of the six factors of the Bay fell victims 
to the climate. A large number of the 8ican's men were visited with 
sickness, and the Thomas, which was sent on after her, buried four 
men, and returned with the greater portion of her crew dangerously 
ill.^ The place scon acquired a bad name amongst the English, 
and its unhealthiness was one of the most serious obstacles in 
the way of their progress. The hand of man was also against 
them. The Aracanese pirates haunted the Bay, and, when the 
Swan was in Bengal in 1633, some of them suddenly attacked 

1 Sedges Diary, vol. Ill, p. 177. 

- i.e. on whom. 

3 Khaxa, a liind of fine muslin. 

* i.e. tlie temple of Jagannatli. 
'' i.e. "whose capital.'' 

8 i.e. " seized.'' 

' Arabic tashrlf, honouring, hence a complimentary present here. 

* DilS'.a, heart-hope. 

» Hedges Diary, III, 180. 


her boat as it was being sent ashore for water, killed three of her 
men aud carried off the rest to Pipli. ^ The English also had to 
meet the opposition of the Portuguese, who in spite of recent reverses 
still retained a hold on the trade of the eonntry, and the still worse 
opposition of the Dutch, who claimed sovereignty over the places 
within their limits, and excluded the English even from stations 
recognized as belonging to them by existing treaties. Owing to these 
various difficulties, Cartwright was unable to do more than make 
settlements at Hariharapur and Balasor. All hope of fresh establish- 
ments at Jagannath or Pipli had to be abandoned. Even the factory, 
which Cartwright had established at Hariharapur, fell into decay, for 
as the river where the vessels used to lie gradually silted up, it 
became unsafe for ships to ride there and difficult to send goods by sea 
that way.- 

The expulsion of the Portuguese from Hijili in 1636, and the 
consequent ruin of Pipli, offered fresh opportunities for developing 
the trade of the Bay ; but the English were not at the moment in 
a position to avail themselves of them. It had been more than 
once pointed out to the Court that, if it wished to succeed in 
Bengal, it must send out an additional number of properly qualified 
factors and •^Titers, and secure two or three small pinnaces as 
coasters, such as the Dutch had, of 80 or 120 tons, drawing 
little water, and carrying twelve or fourteen guns apiece. ' But 
in spite of urgent appeals neither men nor boats ever came. 
Indeed the Company's affairs were too much embarrassed to allow 
them to attend to such matters. In India, on the Coromandel 
Coast, in spite of specious promises and golden firmans their 
trade was hampered and restricted in every direction by the 
jealous rivalry of the Dutch and the vexatious oppression of the 
officers of the King of Golkonda. At home they had to struf'gle for 
very life with an Association formed in 1635 under the immediate 
patronage of Charles I., by Sir William Courten, for fitting out ships 
and sending merchandise to the East Indies. It was not till 1639 
that the King was induced to revoke Courten's license on the condi- 
tion that a fourth joint stock should be formed, and that greater 
efforts should be made to prosecute and develop the Eastern trade. 
For this purpose it was absolutely necessary that some station should 

' Hedoes Diary, III, 180. 
- Ih., ill, 181. 
n.. Ill, 179. 

C 2 


be found on the Coromandel Coast, better situated than Armagon, to 
protect the trade, and Mr. Francis Day, one of the Council of Masuli- 
patam, having been sent to examine the country near the Portuguese 
settlement of St. Thome, reported strongly io favour of Madrasa- 
patam. Accordingly, in 16^0, the English here laid the foundation 
of Fort St. George, and established their first independent station 
in India. 

A new impetus was given to the Company's trade. In 1641 
Bengal seemed of so little consequence that the ship Dyamond 
was sent thither to pay off debts and fetch away the factors ; ^ but in 
the very next year this policy of withdrawal was reversed. Francis 
Day came to Balasor in the autumn on a visit of inspection. He 
found the factory at Hariharapur on the point of dissolution. Only a few 
*' Cassaes " and " Sannoes " were in preparation. Of the three factors 
then in the Bay, Yard and Trauell intended to return to Europe. Only 
Hatch would remain, and he was much discontented, as his contracted 
time had expired and he expected to get but little employment. ^ But 
the quick insight which had selected Madras for the head-quarters 
of the coast trade, here too enabled Day to discern the commercial 
advantages of a station at Balasor. Thanks probably to Mir Qasim, 
the English settlement occupied an excellent situation. The factory 
was built in the principal quarter of the new town and was easily 
defensible, commanding the river and a convenient careening creek, and 
having ready access to the native markets. The port had rapidly 
improved during the past eight years. The bar at the mouth of the river 
had opened, and the river itself proved much better than had been sup- 
posed ; the road was safe, and the Hariharapur cloth could be easily 
transported thither by land.^ Day, therefore, was strongly in favour 
of retaining the station at Balasor and of supporting it by ample 
supplies of men, money and goods. " Accordinge to that small time 
of my being heer," he wrote, " and that little observation that I have 
taken, I think Ballasara with tjie Adjacent places is not to bee totally 
left, for it is no such dispisable place as is voted, it being an opulent 
Xingdome and you haveing bin already at great charges in gaininge 
the free Custome of all Sorts of Goods, beleive it if you had but an 
Active man, two or three in these parts, you would find it very 

» Hedges' Diary, III, 181. 
2 lb., Ill, 182. 
=• lb.. Ill, 181. 


profitable provided you double Stocke * the Coast, without which it is 
impossible to comply to your desires. Since I have knowen these parts, 
for the most parte you have had servants and little or noe meanes to 
imploy them, if you should inlarge your trade, you may happely have 
meanes and noe servants, especially such that should know how to 
imploy it to best advantage." - Day's recommendation was, no doubt, 
carried into effect, and the Company's servants, including the faithful 
Narayan, concentrated at Balasor, for we find that in 1644 there 
were in those regions three factors, Henry Olton, William Gurney and 
"William Netlam, of whom Olton was the chief. ^ Yet the English had 
little faith in Day's judgment. They shook their heads when they 
thought of the future of ''Bengala, " and referred the whole matter to 
the Court in London for decision.* 

^ i.e. not only funds sufficient to purchase the investment for the season, but 
funds sufficient to procure a stock to be ready on the arrival of the ships in the 
subsequent year. Such a resource would enable him to purchase coast cloths and 
Coromandel goods when they could be had cheap, and with most adytmtage to the 

• Hedges' Diary, III, 182. 
3 lb., Ill, 182. 

* Bruce's Annals of the East India Compani^, vol. I, p. 403, edition of 1810. 


1650 TO 1657. 


While, however, the Company's servants were discussing the utility 
of a station at Balasor, and waiting for a despatch from home to 
decide whether they should go on with the trade in Bengal or not, 
events were coming to pass which answered the question for them in 
the affirmative. For several years the districts in the vicinity of 
Madras and Masulipatam had suffered from famiaes and desultory wars 
between the local kings. The trade of the Coromandel Coast was in 
consequence almost ruined, and the agent and factors at Fort 
St. George were forced to look abroad in the hope of discovering 
new openings for commercial enterprise. ^ 

In Bengal the signs were encouraging. Here was Gabriel Boughton, 
formerly surgeon of the HopeiceU, who had been sent across from 
Surat to Agra in 1645 at the special request of Asalat Khan, and 
had by his professional services acquired great influence at Court. He 
had in fact become a prime favourite wdth Shah Shuja', the Prince 

' Brace's Amiah, I, pp. i!0, 424, 430. 


Governor of Bengal, and was residing with his patron at Rajmahal.^ 
The doctor would naturally use all his influence in favour of his country- 
men and would interfere to free their trade from all vexatious im- 
posts and customs. Urged by the necessities of the time, and trusting 
to the good-will of the Bengal Government, the English Court of 
Committees resolved to follow the example of the Dutch, and establish 
a factory inland up the Ganges. In 1650 the Lyoness was despatched 
to Bengal for this very purpose. The ship was under the command of 
Captain John Brookhaven, and had on board three factors, named 
Eobert Spavin, James Bridgeman, and William Fairfax, and a large 
cargo of moneys and goods all destined for Hugli.^ 

The Lyoness arrived at Madras on the 22nd of August, and the 
agent and factors, who had been eagerly expecting her, at once set 
about debating the best manner of carrying out their honorable masters' 
wishes. With the Dutch cruisers scouring the Bay of Bengal, the 
enterprise seemed at best precarious, and in any case many of the 
details must be altered. Spavin had died on the voyage. Fairfax 
was set aside as unfit. The management of the whole business was 
therefore committed to Captain Brookhaven, with James Bridgeman 
and Edward Stephens to assist him. For local knowledge, Brookhaven 
was directed to use the advice and experience of Eichard Potter, who 
would be found somewhere about Balasor. William Netlam, who had 
been some eight years or more stationed in the Bay, though he was at 
his own request allowed to return thither, had fallen under suspicion, 
and was not to be trusted. 

So far the Madras merchants were prepared to go, but they boggled 
at the idea of sending the Lyoness up the Ganges to Hugli. With 

^ Hedges' Diary, vol. Ill, pp. 182 and 185. According to our historians, 
Bongliton was sent for in consequence of a sad accident whicli had occurred at 
the Mogul Court. The princess Jahan-Xra was the eldest and best beloved 
daughter of Shah Jahan. " Returning one night from visiting her father to 
her own apartments in the haram, she ^ unfortunately brushed with her clothes one 
of the lamps which stood in the passage. Her clothes caught fire, and as her 
modesty, being within hearing of men, would not permit her to call for assistance, 
she rushed into the haram in flames ; and there was no hope of her life." It 
was to attend the poor burnt princess that Boughton was summoned to Agra, 
gay our historians, and it was through his skill that she recovered. Sir Henry 
Yule has not been able to find any conflrmation of this story in the records. 
The accident happened in 1643-4. Boughton was sent, it appears, at the beginning 
of 1645, in which case he must surely have arrived too late. Besides the native 
historian who tells us of the accident, also tells us that a famous physician was 
brought express from Lahore to treat the case. 

2 Hedges Liaiy, III, 186. 

brookhaven's instructions, 25 

one consent they resolved to avoid so great a hazard and to stay the 
ship in the Balasor road. The factors designed for Hugli were to 
make their way thither as best they could upon some other freighted 

The consequence was that when the Lyotiess reached Balasor her 
Captain determined to stay with her and to send up Bridgeman to 
Hugli as chief, with Stephens as his second and Blake and Tayler as 
assistants .- The paper of instructions which he drew up for their 
guidance before parting from them in December is still extant, and 
gives a picture of the position of the English in Bengal at this period.' 

The tone of the opening paragraph is markedly devout. "Prin- 
cipally and above all things," it begins, "you are to endeavoar 
with the best of your might and power the advancement of the 
glory of Grod, which you will best doe, by walking holily, right- 
eously, prudently, and Christianly, in this present world that soe 
the Religion, which you professe, may not be evil spoken of and 
you may enjoy the quiet, and peace of a good conscience towards God 
and man and may alwayes bee ready to render an accompt in a better 
world, where Grod Shall be Judge of all," 

After this we come to more mundane matters. *' Whereas it is the 
designe of our Masters the honoble : Company to advance, and enerease 
the trade in these parts of Orexea and Bengal, you are by all possible 
meanes to endeavour more and more to informe yourselves how best and 
most profitably to carry out the trade thereof, especially for Saltpeter, 
Siike and Sugers. To this ende, that you endeavour the sale of those 
goods remaining in the factories to the most advantage, therebye 
assoone as may bee, to gett moneys into your hands that soe yon may 
proceed to invest the same in the best time of buying the aforesaid 

Particular directions about the investments in saltpetre, silk 
and sugar follow, commending the example of the Dutch for imitation. 
"Patenna being on all Sides concluded the best place for procureing 
Peter, desire you therefore to make a tryall how you can procure the 
same from thence, wherein you may make vse of W. B.,^ who you know 
is able to informe you. You must soe order that business as hee may 
have proffitt thereby and may bee encouraged, by which meanes yon 

> Hedges' Diary, III, 186, 187, and 19/, 198. 

- Pei-liaps Waldegrave, William Pitts, and WiUiam Nellam were left at 

3 Hedges' Diary, III, 184 to 186. 
* Perhaps William Blake. 


■will soonest arrive to our desire. lu this commodity invest at least 
one halfe or your Stock, and endeavour the refineing of the same at 
Hukeiy. In case you runne into debt, lett it bee for this commodity 
yet I dnre not advise yoa soe to do, vntill you receive order from the 
Agent, and Councell, the Interest being (as you know) soe exceeding 

" In silke you know what great matters are to be done, therefore 
it doth import the Company much, that you strive both by relation and 
your own experience to know how, and where best to carry on the 
Manufacture thereof, where the best Silkes are procured, and where the 
best conveniences are for fitting and preparing the Same for the Sale, 
of Europe, that soe if the Company shall require large quantities you 
may bee in a posture to fitt them all at the first hand. I suppose the 
order of the Dutch is very good, and will be freest from adulteration, 
the properest way will bee to make three sorts, as Head, Belly, and 
ffoote, each apart by them Selves. You may also make an experience 
of washiug thereof at Hukeiy or elsewhere, and Send the Company a 
maund of each Sort apart by the next Shipping for a Sample, with an 
exact accompt of the losse in washing, and charge of the same. In this 
commodity you may invest neare three eight parts of your remaiues. 

"As for Sugers, you know they are procured in many places, you 
may make a small try all in each. Herein I suppose you need but 
inquire secretely into the order of the Dutch, how, where, and when 
they proceed to buy the said Commodity, and how the seasons doe fall 
for bringing the same out of the Countrey, or downe the Rivers. I am 
informed that the quantity they last bought at Patenna is well 
approved of, therefore I desire also that you procure some from 
thence by the same way or Instruments that you make use of to obtayne 
the Peter." 

The instructions go on to speak of Gabriel Boughton, from whom 
the Company expected such great services. " You know how necessary 
it will bee for the better carrying 'on the trade of these parts to have 
the Prince's ffirman, and that Mr. Grabriel Boughton, Chirurgeon to the 
Prince, promises concerning the same. To putt matters out of doubt it 
is necessary that you forthwith after our departure, and the settlement 
of the business here, and at Hukley, proceed to Rajamall with one 
Englishman to accompany you; where being come consult with 
Mr. Boughton about the busines, who hath the whole contents of the 
Dutches last fflnnan^ and together endeavour (if possible) that 
accDrding to Mr. Boughton's promise) the Company may have such a 


ffirman granted, as may outstrip the Dutch in point of Privilege and 
freedome, that soe they may not have cause any longer to boast of theirs. 
You know what I have written to Mr. Boughton about it, who 
(without doubt) will be very faithfuU in the busines and strive that the 
same may bee procured, with as little charge as may bee to the 
Company, knowing that the lesse the charge is the more will bee the 
reputation, according to his owne advice in his last \Tito me : wliat you 
shall present, or expend in the busines I cannot advise, however what 
you doe, lett it bee done with joint consent, and I pray you bee as 
spareing as may bee in a busines of this Import." 

Directions are also given on various maH:ers of minor importance. 
The two assistants, Blake and Tayler, are each to have a salary of 
£5 or £6 a year ; Narayan, the Company's broker, who had been on 
the Bengal establishment since 1G33, was to be kept on in spite of the 
accusations made against him ; the trade of Balasor is to be carried 
on in " Rupees Morees" ; ^ friendly relations are to be cultivated with 
the governors of Balasor and Hugli; all matters of concern to the Com- 
pany are to be declared to their servants, so that in case of sickness, 
*' which doth often happen in this part," their successors may always 
know how, what, and where the Company's interests are ; and lastly, 
land is to be procured for building additional houses for the Company 
at Balasor, but in this, as in everything, they are to have a special 
reo'ard not to put the Company to unnecessary expense. 

Such wf-re the excellent intentions and edifying admonitions with 
which the Company sent forth Bridgeman and Stephens in 1651 to 
establish a new factory at Hugli ; and for a time all seems to have gone 
well. Gabriel Boughton was not unmindful of his promises. In 1652 we 
hear that for so trifling a sum as Rs. 3,000 the English have obtained 
letters patent granting them freedom of trade in Bengal without pay- 
ment of customs or dues. An indefinite quantity of saltpetre could 
be purchased there, particilarly at Bsdasor and Hugli.^ 

' Yale suggests muhrl, i.e., round rtipees. 

" Bruce's, Annals, I, 463, 464. It is rery doubtful, however, whether 
Boughton ever secured any grant at all for the English. In 1650, when we last 
hear of him, he is still promising, but not performing. In 1651 -2 Bruce and 
Stuart tell us that the English in Bengal obtained a nishdn from Shah Shuja'. If 
it could be shown that they did get a nishan ia. this year, and that Boughton was 
then living, we might conjecture that his influence had something to do with it. 
But neither of these conditions can be established. There is nothing to show that 
Boughton was still living and influencing Shah Shuja' in 1651-2, and there are 
considerable doubts as to whether any nishan was granted by the priuoe in tliat 


Lafer on accounts grow much less favourable. The Madras Council 
complain that the sums which the Bengal factors have paid to be exempted 
from dues and customs will counterbalance the profits of the trade, and 
will be rather a benefit to their own private trade than to the Com- 
pany's investments.^ Gabriel Boughton is dead, his widow married 
again, and she and her husband are making claims on the Company 
on account of Boughton's services. In fact Bridgeman and his friends 
were acting irregularly and dishonestly .^ When called to account, 
two of them, Bridgeman and Blake, deserted the Company's service 
without vouchsafing any explanation ; ^ another, Waldegrave, in his 
journey to Madras overland, managed to lose all the Company's accounts 
and papers, among them, apparently, the letters patent granted by Shah 

As for Madras itself, although it had just been raised to the dignity 
of a separate Presidency, its real power was greatly crippled by a 

year. A copy of the nishdn of Shah Shuja' exists, but it is said to have been given 
"at the request of Thomas Billedge, in the sixth month, in 1066 H., in the 28th 
year of Shah Jahan's reign, i.e., in April 1656 A.D." This would be conclusive 
against the whole story about Boughton if we could trust the copy ; but we cannot. 
In spite of the date, 1656 A.D,, given in 'the copy, Stuart assigns the nishdn to 
the year 1651-2 ; and he tells us in 1703 that forty (? fifty) years before, i.e., 
in 1663 (? 1653), the original nishdn was lost. Writing on the 31st December 1657, 
the Court refer to the fact that Waldegrave has lost all their papers, farmans, 
and the like. This looks as if the nishdn was granted earlier than 1656, 
otherwise the losing of the nishdn, the reporting of its loss to London, and the con- 
sidering of the business by the Court, followed the granting of it in April 1656 
with unexampled rapidity. Again, in the list of Government papers that I 
have found in the United Trade Consultation Book of 1704, the copy of this nishdn 
is dated 1652, although it is said to have been given in the 28th year of Shah 
Jahan's reign. Once more I may point out that, if the nishan was granted in 
the 28th year of Shah Jahan's reign, it was not granted in 1066 H., or 1656 A.D., 
which was the 30th year of the reign. The 28th year of the reig'n was 1064 H., 
or 1664-5 A.D. Hence the existing copy must be incorrect, as it is not consistent 
with itself. I am on the whole inclined to accept the date given by Bruce and 
Stuart, and to believe that the original nishdn was granted in the 25th year of 
Shah Jahan in 1061 H., or 1651-2,, and that it was lost in 1663 or 1654 by 
Waldegrave on his journey to Madras, In consequence of the loss of the original 
the English bad to rely on a rough copy or note of the contents of the nishan, 
and in this way the 25th year was altered to the 28th year. This would account 
for the entry in the Consultation Book of 1704, After the regnal year had been 
altered, some other wise person took it into his head to correct the Hejira year. 

' Bruce's Annals, I, 485. 

2 Sedges' Diary, III, 187, 188. 

•'' Bridgeman seems to have left sometime in 1653. See Danvers' Bengal, its 
Chiefs, Agents, and Governors, p. 7. edition of 1888. Edward Stephens died in 
Cassimbazar in 1654 much in debt. See Hedges' Diary, III, 194. 

■• Hedges' Diary, III, 188. 


variety of circumstances. Inland trade on the Coromandel Coast had 
become impracticable, owing to the convulsed state of the country; 
the coasting trade was hazardous from the superior force of the Dutch, 
with whom England was openly at war from 1652 to 1654; and 
lastly the merchant adventurers, who had obtained a charter from 
Cromwell in 1655, competed with their countrymen in every direction. 
In 1657, the year in which Sivaji first invaded the Camatic, the 
Madras Council seem to have " despaired of the republic." Once more 
they resolved to withdraw from Bengal.^ 

* Broce's Annals, vol. I, pp. 499, 525, and 536, edition of J 810. 


1658 TO 1661. 


That the English, -who boast of a special faculty for organising 
foreign establishments, should thus without encountering serious exter- 
nal opposition twice fail to effect a settlement in Bengal will probably 
excite surprise. We were not prepared for this repeated failure ; yet 
we should remember that repeated failure is the road to success. Like 
nature, man does nothing great at a bound. He makes a hundred 
attempts which come to nothing before he hits upon the one true 
expedient. Such has been the history of most of the achievements of 
genius : such is the history of the settlements of the English in India. 
They bought their experience. Schooled by repeated failure, they 
advanced from the Spice Islands to the mainland, from the Coast to the 
Bay, from Balasor to Hugli, from Hugli to Calcutta. At each step 
they made mistakes ; at each step they learnt lessons which led them 
to further and wiser efforts. Let us look again at the two steps which 
they have just taken. 

The English did well to come to Balasor in 1633 ; for the provinces 
at the head of the Bay were far richer and far easier of access to 
western merchants than the Carnatic and the Coast of Coromandel, 
and it was from Bengal that a maritime empire of India must of 
necessity begin. Yet the settlements made by Cai-twTight languished 
as soon as he left them. No one cared about them; they were 
distant, unhealthy, dangerous. 


Then tlie English found out their mistake. They had been too 
timid ; they now went to the opposite extreme and became too rash. 
Confiding implicitly in the promises of the Indian GovernmcDt and 
in the good-will of its subordinates, the Court of Committees trans- 
ferred the head-quarters of the trade in the Bay from Balasor to 
Hugli. ^ This too was a step in the right direction. It was right 
to adopt a forward policy ; it was right to advance further into the 
country than Balasor; but the English now advanced too far. 

Some of the inconveniences of making Hugli their head-quarters 
appeared at tbe very outset. In commerce, as in war, sustained opera- 
tions cannot be conducted without a secure starting point. Such a 
starting point could not be Hugli, where the English were surrounded 
by rivals and possible enemies, and separated from the sea by more 
than a hundred miles of a difficult and dangerous river. The refusal 
of the Council of Fort St. George to allow the Lyoness to proceed 
further than Balasor was indeed a bad omen for the new factory. 

Another mistake soon showed itself. Tbe number of the English- 
men in Bengal was so small that their morale quickly degenerated. 
Bight conduct is largely supported by public opinion, and an English- 
man in India, placed in the midst of new and bewildering circum- 
stances, needs all the moral support that can be given him. He needs 
to be in constant contact with those who may help him with their 
criticism, their advice, their sympathy. The Court at home could not 
understand this. They sent out a young man of eighteen or twenty 
on a salary of five pounds a year to a lonely post of difficulty and 
danger ; and when he proved an unprofitable and unfaithful servant, 
they marvelled. 

But they did not despair. In 1657, the very year that the Madras 
Council was thinking of withdrawing from Bengal, the company of 
merchant adventurers had been amalgamated with the original Com- 
pany, At a general meeting of proprietors the rights of the respective 
stock-holders were satisfactorily adjusted. The Company's charter was 
renewed, and Cromwell was petitioned to protect their settlements 
against the depredations of the Dutch, and to , vindicate the honour of 
the English in India. Having settled their charter and exclusive rights 
in England, the Court turned their attention to the re-arrangement of 
their factories abroad. A commission was appointed, in Bengal to 

1 Danvers, op. cit., p, 7, says that Balasor was at first the head-quarters of the 
Company's Bengal factories, and apparently thinks it was so in 1651. But it 
appears that Bridgemau was always at Hugli. 


inquire into the misdemeanours and corrupt practices whicli had been 
going on there ; and, to prevent further irregularities, private trade^ 
on the port of the Company's servants was prohibited and their pay 
increased. Before drawing their enhanced salaries they were to sign 
security bonds or covenants to specified amounts to observe this con- 
dition. They were also directed to keep diaries of their proceedings 
and transmit copies of them annually to the Court. Ail the Com- 
pany's factories were to be subordinate to the Presidency of Surat, 
besides which there were four agencies, at Bantam, at Madras, in 
Persia, and in Bengal. Inferior agencies were established at 
Balasor, Cassimbazar and Patna, in subordination to the agency at 

A despatch, dated the 27th February, 1658, gives an almost 
complete list of the Councils established in Bengal. It appoints Greorge 
Gawton, Chief Agent at Hugli, with a salary of a hundred pounds a 
year. His second is not named. The other members of the Council are 
Mathias Halstead, William Ragdale, and Thomas Davies. Hopkins 
is made agent at Balasor, Kenn at Cassimbazar, Chamberlain at 
Patna. To each of these agents three coadjutors are assigned; among 
them the celebrated Job Charnock, who is appointed fourth at 
Cassimbazar.^ By a subsequent despatch the Court appointed Jonathan 
Trevisa to fill the vacant post of second at Hugli, and, failing Gawton, 
to succeed to the agency itself. This he did in September, 1658.* 

By these arrangements the number of the Company's servants in 
Bengal was more than doubled. For the first time in that distant 
land there was an English society. Its character may be gathered 
from the private correspondence still extant. They often had to come 
to terms with the climate in matters of dress and cut short the flow- 
ing locks of the cavalier. But they consoled themselves with drinkino-- 
bouts and bowls of clear arrack punch. A more respectable solace was 
the reading of books such as the Eikon Bis Hike or ReUgio Medici. 
The latter seems to have been especially popular, and they amused 
themselves by corresponding with each other in good Brownese. 
We may laugh at the Latin saws which stuff these Ciceronian 
epistles, the elaborate compliments, the invocations for Heliconian 

* They were not to trade privately in any of the Company's commodities, but 
they were not forbidden to trade in other commodities. 

- Brace's Annals, vol. I, p. 532. 
2 Hedges Diary, III, 189. 

* Danvers' Bengal, its Chiefs, Agents, and Governors, p. 8, edition of 1888. 


irrigations to sublimate the writer's thoughts; but they are more to 
our taste than the ill-penned, ill-spelt, ill-constructed scrawls which do 
the duty of letters in the earlier period.^ 

The Court had certainly succeeded in raising the moral tone of the 
Bengal establishment, but it had done nothing to add to its security. 
At first all seemed to go well with the Company's servants. " Bengal," 
they wrote home, " is a rich province. Raw silk is abundant. The 
tafi'aties are various and fine. The saltpetre is cheap and of the best 
quality. The bullion and pagodas you have sent have had an imme- 
diate and most favourable effect on the trade ; the goods have been 
sold at great advantage. Our operations are growing so extensive 
that we shall be obliged to build new and large warehouses." ^ 

But, in the meanwhile, changes had taken place in the native govern- 
ment of India and of Bengal. On the 8th September, 1657, Shah Jahan 
fell seriously ill at Delhi, and a fratricidal war broke out between his 
children. In the end Prince Aurangzeb, the third son, succeeded in 
defeating his brothers and in seizing the person of his sick father. On 
the 22nd July, 1658, he took his seat on the throne of Hindustan. A 
few months later Shah Shuja' was barbarously murdered in Arakan, 
whither he had fled, defeated and heart-broken, and Mir Jumlah, the 
imperial general, was nabob of Bengal. 

Under the new Government, the English began to see the folly 
of trusting to the promises and good-will of a power so arbitrary 
and variable as the Mogul government. In 1658 the governor of 
Hugli, considering that the deposition of Shah Jahan rendered all 
Imperial grants null and void, had insisted on an annual payment of 
three thousand rupees in lieu of custom. In 1659, the governor of 
Balasor began to make exorbitant charges for anchorage. The 
Hugli was infested with pirates, and to send up goods in small craft 
without a convoy was no longer safe.^ At Eajmahal all the English 
boats as they came down the Granges from Patna laden with saltpetre 
were stopped by Mir Jumlah. On every side the English found 
themselves oppressed and the trade vexatiously hampered.^ At last in 
1661 the agent at Hugli lost patience and seized a native vessel as 
security for the recovery of debts. Mir Jumlah was greatly incensed. 
He demanded immediate reparation of the offence, and threatened to 

* Sedges' Diary, III, 192 to 194. 

^ Bruce's Annals, vol. I, pp. 541, 550, 560. 
3 Hedges Diary, III, 198. 

* Stewart's History of Bengal, p. 380. 

shXyista khLn comes to bengal. 35 

destroy the out-agencies, to seize the factory at Hugli, and expel the 
English from the country. Alarmed at this danger, the agent "wrote 
to Madras for iustructions, and was directed to restore the boat, and to 
apologise to Mir Jumlah. Trevisa accordingly submitted and was 
forgiven, but the viceroy continued to exact the annual payment of the 
three thousand rupees.* 

Fortunately for the English, Mir Jumlah's attention was soon 
engaged with much more serious matters. Eebellions had taken place 
in Koch Bihar and Assam, and the Mogul general had to conduct a 
great expedition against those distant provinces to reduce them to sub- 
mission. From the hardships of these campaigns he returned to die 
near Dacca on the 30th March, 1663. 

He was succeeded in the Grovemment of Bengal by Shayista Khan, 
the Premier Prince of the Empire. 

' Bruce's Annals, vol. I, pp. 560, 561. Stewart's Bengal, pp. 180, 181. 

D 2 

BOOK 11. 




In 1651 the English had come to Hugli full of confidence in the 
good- will and good order of the Mogul empire. In less than ten years 
that confidence had been utterly destroyed. They had seen their friend 
and patron driven to his death in Burmah; they had seen India torn 
with fratricidal wars ; they had seen how little control the central 
government could exercise over the arbitrary proceedings of its 
subordinates. They were, therefore, forced to consider in what way 
they could best protect themselves and their trade against the oppressions 
of the local oflBcers. The seizure of the Bengali boat and the 
consequent dispute with Mir Jumlah marks the beginning of a new 
period in thq history of the English in Bengal — a period of growing 
anxiety and danger. 


This second period is the antithesis, the contradiction, of the first. 
In it industrialism is checked, and at last overcome, by militarism. 
Provoked by the vexatious exactions of the local rulers, the English are 
led to abandon their peaceful attitude and seek to establish their trade 
by force. The men who in 1661 apologised for seizing a small boat, in 
1685 waged open war upon the Mogul, capturing his ships and burn- 
ing his ports. 

Is this antithesis, this contradiction, accidental ? On the contrary 
it is necessary. In the first period English industry simply takes its 
place in Bengal. Its aims, its limits, its resources, are vague and in- 
definite. It is therefore at once exposed to opposition. As the Hegelian 
would say, setn at once negates itself and becomes uichts. 

Of this inevitable opposition the Court at home had no prevision. 
The prospects of the Company seemed fair. The restoration of Charles 
II. terminated all hostilities with Spain and Holland, and placed the 
government of England in the hands of friends. On the 3rd of April ^ 
1661, a new charter was conferred on the Company, granting them the 
whole trade with the East Indies for ever, and declaring that no person 
should trade thither without their Hcense. They were empowered to 
seize unlicensed persons, to erect fortifications, to raise troops, and to 
make war with non-Christians. The king also gave the Grovernor and 
Council of the several settlements authority " to judge all persons 
belonging to the said Covernor and Company or that should live under 
them, in all causes, whether civil or criminal, according to the laws of 
the kingdom, and to execute judgment accordingly." In effect the 
charter for the first time introduced British law into India.^ 

Armed with these powers the Court proceeded to set in order their 
establishments in Madras and Bengal. Trevisa was superseded by 
William Blake^ who was directed to call all their servants " to account 
for all actions which hath passed since their being in the Bay." ^ At 
the same time Sir Edward Winter was appointed President at Fort 
St. George, and the whole of the Bengal establishment was made 
subordinate to his government.^ The Court gave orders that the fort 
should be strengthened, but the new President had been told to dis- 
charge the Portuguese soldiers, to reduce the number of out-agencies, 

^ Bruce's Annals, I, 556 to 558. Morley's Administration of Justice in 
British India, p. 5, edition of 1858. Stephen's Nuncomar and Imjpey, vol. II, 
p. 29, edition of 1885. 

2 Danvers, op. cit., p. 8. 

" Bruce's Annals, II, 109, 

winter's bold and rigorous policy, 39 

to suppress private trade, to avoid quarrels with the local governors, and 
to devote himself to the buying of saltpetre and taffaties.^ 

It was Winter who first saw that the English trade in Bengal 
had entered upon a new phase. A year's residence in India convinced 
him that this policy of peace and retrenchment was impossible. How 
could he provide for the investment if the factories were withdrawn ? 
Of what avail was it to complain to Indian princes of the arbitrary dues 
exacted by their tax-gatherers or the depredations committed by their 
followers on goods passing to Madras ? He had complained to one of 
them ; and how had he been answered ? " "When the English horns 
and teeth are grown," said the prince, " then I will free your goods 
from the duty." ^ 

Winter, therefore, wrote to the Court, explaining that he intended 
to follow the policy of the Dutch, whose large capital and naval power 
gave them their trade and kept the native powers in awe. He required 
increased sums of money in order to furnish a double stock.^ He 
refused to discharge his Portuguese soldiers, and directed all his 
efforts to making retaliation on the vessels of the petty chiefs on the 
Coromandel Coast. We needed to convince them that we were as 
powerful at sea as they with their armies were on shore. The same 
policy should be pursued in Bengal. Here it was quite impossible to 
withdraw the out-agencies. The plan of inducing weavers to come to 
Hugli had failed. Part of the money in the treasury must be applied 
to building and maintaining boats on the river to bring saltpetre from 
Patna and silks and muslins from Cassimbazar.* 

But this bold course of action did not commend itself to the Court 
at home. They did not understand it, and consequently they became 
very imeasy and began to suspect that their spirited agent was engaged 
in private trade for his separate interests. In June, 1665, a ship 
arrived at Fort St. George, bringing out Mr. George Foxcroft, and 
his son Nathaniel, and a letter from the Court, informing Winter that 
his measures had not met with approval, and that Mr. George Foxcroft 
was appointed agent in his stead. He might, however, continue to 
rank as second in the Madras Council till his departure.^ 

The change of government seems to have been unpopular with the 
settlement. They probably sympathised with Winter in his forward 

' Bruce's Annals, II, 121, 131, 139. 
2 75.^ ij^ 147^ 159^ IgO. 

^ See a7ite, note on p. 32. 

* Brace's Annals, II, 147, 159, 160, 161. 

» lb., II, 179, 180. 

40 winter's rebellion. 

policy and looked coldly on tlie man who had been sent out to reverse it. 
Moreover, Foxoroft was something of a Puritan and came near to being 
thought a heretic and a traitor. His son was a dabbler in philosophy, 
who held strange views about the relations between king and people. 
During the hot weeks of August, as the servants of the Company met 
together at their mid-day dinner within the fort, violent bickerings 
arose on matters political. Amongst other things the Foxcrofts main- 
tained that no king had any right to his throne except might, and that 
a man's private interest came first, before that of the Sovereign.^ 

The enemies of Foxcroft began to plot. A little while before. Sir 
Edward Winter had of his own accord asked to be allowed to return to 
England ; he now resolved to stay and become President once more. 
On Thursday, the 14th September, he accused Foxcroft of treason 
against the King and produced the chaplain. Simon Smythes, as a wit- 
ness. The charge was formally made before two members of the 
Council, Jeremy Samebrooke and William Dawes, but they refused to 
entertain it. They even went so far as to affirm that the Company's 
Agent at Fort St. George was not liable to such charges. Simon Smythes 
was ordered to keep to his room and was not allowed to leave the fort.^ 

Winter determined to gain his end by force. Chuseman, the captain 
of the garrison, was his friend. The agent was defenceless. On Satur- 
day the blow was struck.^ At the time of morning prayer, just as 
the agent was going to church, he learnt that the soldiers were in 
arms against him. Drawing his rapier, the only weapon ordinarily 
worn in the fort, he hurried down the stairs which led from his rooms 
to the quadrangle below, followed by Samebrooke and Dawes. At the 
foot of the stairs the agent beheld an ominous sight. There stood the 
whole garrison fully armed. Their swords were drawn ; their pistols 
cocked; at their head was Captain Chuseman. On seeing Foxcroft and 
his friends the cry arose " For the King ! For the King ! Knock them 
cloivn ! Fire /" The agent advanced to ask for an explanation, but 
Chuseman answered by discharging his pistol and rushing at him with 
his sword. He closed with the agent, and flung him to the ground. 

This was the signal to the rest to fire. With modern weapons of 
precision the whole of Foxcroft's party would have fallen riddled 
through and through with shot discharged in so confined a space. 
But the seventeenth century pistol, a kind of miniature arquebus with 

' Hedges' Diary, II, 278 to 380. 

' Ih., also Bruce's Annals^ II, 180. 

^ The account which follows will be found in Hedges' Diary, II, 280,281 


a barrel two feet long, only carried forty paces, and was by no means 
sure at that. The result of the volley was that no one was mortally 
wounded except Dawes, who had halted on the stairs. Samebrooke, 
who rushed forward to help the fallen agent, escaped unhurt; but, 
closing with Chuseman, he was set upon by the soldiers and knocked 
down. Nathaniel Foxcroft, a brisk man in a broil, contrived to get his 
pistols from his room on the ground floor ; yet he was seized before he 
could do any execution. 

In a few minutes the affray was over. George Foxcroft "iras clapped 
up in a rubbish hole, and Sir Edward "Winter resumed the govern- 
ment of Fort St. George. On the 19th September he made a solemn 
declaration that he had accepted the office of Chief Director in conse- 
quence of the exigencies of the Company's affairs and upon the 
unanimous request of the Company's factors, servants, and officers, 
until it should be ordered otherwise either by the plurality of the 
Council or by the Court.^ 

It remained for Winter to vindicate his conduct, if possible, to the 
authorities at home. He at once wrote to the Court giving them an 
account of the seditious and traitorous conduct of the Foxcrof ts, and 
forwarding the attestations of his witnesses. He assured his masters 
that he would do his best to preserve their rights and provide for 
their investments. In obedience to their orders he would withdraw 
the out-agencies on the Coromandel Coast, but it would ruin the 
English prestige, and contrast very badly with the proceedings of the 
Dutch, who took every opportunity to add to their out-agencies. 
Similar evils would follow in Bengal, and therefore he had left the 
matter to the discretion of Blake and his Council. The fort was 
well enough and he would maintain it, but two or three armed 
cruisers would produce more effect in the minds of the natives than 
many forts. "We were now once again at war with the Dutch, and he 
dreaded their numerous ships, ready to seize on those of the Company 
bringing Bengal produce to Madras.^ 

It would have been well had Winter stopped here. But besides 
justifying himself to the Court, he took upon him to write directly 
to the Archbishop of Canterbury, to the King, and to the King's 
officer in charge of the royal fort at Bombay. Foxcroft too wrote 
from his place of captivity to Masulipatam, giving his account of the 

' Hedges' Diary, II, 277, 278. 

* Brute's Annah, 11, 181, 182. 183. 


matter and applying for assistance. At Surat Sir Edward's profes- 
sions met with utter disbelief, and it was feared that he would give up 
the fort either to the Portuguese Viceroy of Goa or to the Dutch 
Governor of Ceylon.^ 

All this would have aroused the suspicions of a less suspicious body 
of men than the Court. In their alarm they applied to the King to 
interpose his authority. Mr. Clavell "was vested with eKtraordinary 
powers by King and Company, and directed to proceed at once to Surat. 
Here he was to consult with the Company's agent. If Sir Edward 
should still be in possession of Fort St. George, Clavell was to make 
his way to Masulipatam, and thence by messenger announce his mission 
and authority, demand the release of Foxcroft and the delivery of the 
fort into his hands. A proclamation from the King, dated the 28th 
of January, 1667, offered pardon to Winter and his adherents on 
condition of their returning to their duty.^ 

These measures produced little effect, for, although the King had 
done his best to support the Company, his officers in India were at 
variance with the agent at Surat. Captain Henry Gary, who was 
Governor of Bombay during the latter half of 1667, openly aided and 
abetted Sir Edward Winter, and proclaimed Foxcroft and his party- 
rebels and traitors against the King. Thus encouraged, Sir Edward 
Winter and his Council treated Clavell's orders as gross forgeries.^ 

Next year the Court resolved on more vigorous measures. The 
treaty of Breda had put an end to the Dutch war, and the King had 
made over to them the island of Bombay. They were therefore in a 
strong position to assert their authority and extend their commerce. 
A royal commission gave them full power to reduce the rebel govern- 
ment to the obedience of the Company. Five ships, with five companies 
composed of sailors and soldiers, were despatched to Madras, and were 
ordered to blockade it, if necessary, by land and sea.* 

On the 21st of May, 1668, the Rainbow and the Loyal Merchant 
anchored in Madras road. Two representatives from the rebels came 
on board. They were detained prisoners. The commissioners in- 
formed Sir Edward Winter by letter that they had the orders of the 
King and the Company to take possession of the fort in His Majesty's 
name. Winter saw that the end had come. Ho only asked for 

1 Bruce's Annals, II, 180, 181. 

2 i6., II, 187,188. 

3 lb , II, 217, 218. Also Ilcdges' Diary, II, 323 to 325. 
* lb., II, 203 to 206. 


personal safety and protection of property. The commissioners agreed. 
On the 22nd ot August they landed, took possession of the fort, and 
released Foxcroft from his three-years' captivity.^ 

The re-instated agent acted with great moderation. Chuseman 
and Smythes were allowed to return quietly to England. Winter 
was forbidden to remain within the fort, but was otherwise left at 
perfect liberty to live in Madras, Masulipatam, or elsewhere, if he chose, 
waiting tho decision of the Privy Council, to whom the whole case 
had been referred.^ 

The result of their deliberations was communicated to Madras in a 
letter from the Court, dated the 7th December, 1669. Nathaniel 
Foxcroft was ordered to return at once ; his father was permitted to 
remain at the head of the government of Fort St. Greorge for one 
year more. Sir Edward Winter was also permitted to stay on for a 
short time to dispose of his property and recover his debts. He was 
to be treated with respect and to have a passage given him to England. 
A commission was appointed to investigate the whole transaction and 
take evidence on the spot. At the head of it was Sir William 
Langhorne, who was to succeed Foxcroft in the government of Madras. ^ 
Its investigations, however, do not seem to have been very success- 
ful. After spending about eighteen months in vain attempts to 
adjust the disputes between Winter and Foxcroft, the whole case had 
again to be referred home. On the 26th October, Nathaniel Foxcroft 
died in Madras at the age of thirty-five.^ Greorge Foxcroft embarked 
in Januaryj 1672, leaving Sir William Langhorne agent at Fort 
St. George. At the same time Winter sailed on another vessel for 
England. His offence had been practically condoned.^ 

Such is the unsatisfactory conclusion of this unsatisfactory and 
somewhat unintelligible episode. It is difficult to determine the rights 
of the matter. It is clear that the charter of 1661 constituted the 
Madras Council a Court of Justice, having power to judge the Company's 
servants in all causes, whether civil or criminal, and it was not proper 
for Samebrooke and Dawes to refuse to entertain a charge of treason 
against Foxcroft when duly made before them by Winter. Samebrooke 
was quite wrong if he said that the agent at Fort St. George was not 

^ Bruce's Annals, II, 245 to 248. 

= lb., II, 245 to 248. 

^ Hedges' Diary, II, 281. Also Bruce's Annals, II, 256 to 258. 

* See his tombstone in the Fort Church, jVladras. 

* Bruce's Annals, II, 307. 


liable to a charge of treason and above the reach of the English law, 
On the other hand, these improprieties do not excuse Winter's violence. 
In his declaration he seeks to justify it by insinuating that Foxcroft 
was the aggressor. Foxcroft wantonly attacked the innocent soldiers, 
who were compelled to fire in self-defence. Few will believe this. 

It does not follow, however, that Winter was altogether dishonest 
in his professions. On the contrary, it must appear that in his general 
views Winter was more far-sighted than his critics, and we shall see in 
the sequel how they were gradually led to adopt his policy of retaliation. 
Finally, whatever doubts may be felt as to the details of the case, there 
can be no doubt as to its real significance. It is the first struggle 
between the earlier policy of peace and the new policy of force. 



While industrialism and militarism are thus fighting out tlieir 
battle, the history of the Bengal establishments to a certain extent 
hangs fire, and waits upon the course of events in Madras. Blake, who 
remained for many years in office at Hugli, at last requested leave to 
return to England, and in 1668, when the Court despatched their armada 
of five ships to Madras, they sent out orders appointing Shem Bridges 
in the place of Blake. This appointment was not for long. In the 
letters from the Court of the 7th December, 1 669, which announced the 
decision of the Privy Council, Bridges was informed that he might 
come home according to his wish, and that Mr. Henry Powell would 
succeed him. In 1650 or 1651 Walter Clavell became chief in the 

These changes are not of much interest or importance. It is more 
interesting to note the brightening prospects of the trade, whicli 
steadily increased owing partly to the Company's resolution to enlarge 
their operations on the east coast, and partly to the growing demand 
for Bengal goods. In 1668, the stock furnished for Bengal was valued 
at £34,000; 2 in 1675, its value rose to £65,000, and the factors were 
authorised to take up £20,000 in addition at interest.^ In 1668 per- 
mission was granted to form a new establishment in Dacca, then the 
capital of Bengal, celebrated for the fineness of its muslins and the beauty 
of its woven stuffs.^ The Court were never weary of asking for saltpetre 

* Danvers, op. cit., p. 9. It does not appear tliat Powell actually succeeded. 
See belovr, p. 381. 

- Brace's Annals, II, 228. 
3 lb., U, p. 361. 

* Hedges' Diary, III, 196. 


from Patna, where it could be had so good and cheap that the contract" 
for it was discontinued on the west coast in 1668,^ and at Masulipatam 
in 1670.2 ju 1674 the agent at Hugli received orders to keep the salt- 
petre-men constantly employed, so as to have a stock always ready for 

The demand for Bengal silk would have been equally urgent had 
it not been for defects in the native manner of preparing it. 
The Court objected to the vicious practice of dyeing it "in the 
gum," and as early as 1663 asked that the taffetas should be bought 
"in an ungummed state, as they could receive this improvement 
in England in a superior manner, a successful experiment having 
been tried, which made the Bengal silks pass in the market as 
Italian."^ In 1671 they desired that, besides taffetas and muslins for 
home consumption, £5,000 should be annually invested in silk for 
Japan.^ Two years later, finding that the taffetas were still defective in 
colour, especially the shades of green and black, they sent out a number 
of skilled artisans, who were to endeavour to improve the silk manufac- 
tures, but to keep their art secret from the natives.'^ So great were the 
quantities of silk imported to England round the Cape of Good Hope, 
that in 1680 the Turkey merchants, who before this had monopolised 
the trade, made a formal complaint to the King. " We export woollen 
manufactures," they said, " and other English wares, and import raw silk, 
drugs, cotton, and the like, which are all manufactured in England, and 
afford bread and employment to the poor. But this East India 
Company is sending away precious metal out of the kingdom in return 
for a deceitful kind of raw silk which will destroy the Turkey trade. 
Besides, they have sent to India throwsters, weavers, and dyers, and 
have set up a manufacture of silk, which, by instructing Indians in these 
manufactures and by importing them so made, tends to impoverish the 
working people of England." In the infancy of economic science the 
East India Company could only reply to these objections by pointing 
to the fact that, since they had begun their importations, the silk 
manufactures of England had increased fourfold. Like all other 
commodities, Indian silks varied in quality, some being good, some bad, 
some indifferent. They had only sent one or two dyers to Bengal, and 

1 Bruce's Annals, II, 207. 

2 Ih., II, 259. - 
=* Ih., II, 332. 

" lb., II, 121. 

5 lb., II, 297. 

6 Ih., II, 314. 


this was for the advantage of the nation as well as the Company, as 
the plain black silks thus made and imported were again exported.^ 

As Winter had foreseen, these extended operations necessitated 
additions to the factories on the east coast. Under pressure of the 
wars with Holland ,2 the rivalry of the new French Company ,3 and 
the diflBculties which from time to time arose with the natives, the 
Company found itself compelled to send recruits, ordinance, and small 
arms to strengthen Fort St. George, and to issue orders that the 
inhabitants of the town and such natives as could be trusted should 
be embodied as troops. In 1668 they determined to obtain an equality 
with the Dutch. All idea of withdrawing out-agencies was abandoned. 
Sixteen factors and eight writers were at once sent out to augment the 
Madras establishment.^ 

The same year witnessed the inauguration of the Bengal Pilot 
Service.^ The Court had all along desired that their ships should 
be taken to Hngli, but at first it was considered too dangerous. 
In 1662 Captain Elliott offered to venture up the river with his 
vessel, and would have done so had he not been forbidden by 
Agent Trevisa, to the intense chagrin of the Court. The captain then 
left a written memorandum at Hugli stating that the passage up was 
hazardless. The Dutch had ships of 600 tons which tided it up thither, 
and it was proposed that the English vessels should in future go direct 
to Hugli, that Balasor should be abandoned, and " our business 
in the Bay brought into some decorum." ^ The Court supported the 
proposal by offering to defray all expenses for pilotage and to give the 
shipowners ten shillings a ton extraordinary for all goods conveyed 
"within the bar of Ganges." " But these offers came to nothing. The 
native pilots were too expensive, and the owners refused to risk their 
ships without proper pilots and proper charts pointing out depths and 
soundings. Accordingly, inJjSGT, thfijCIauil.had,built a small vessel 
called the Diligence, and directed that she should be employed in the 
river and should take soundings, note shoals and channels, and make a 
chart of them.^ In 1668 the Court reiterated and completed their 

* "Watt's Dictionary of Economic Products of India. Article, "Silk." 
Vol. YI, pt. Ill, pp. 184, 185, edition of 1893. 

- In 1665—67 and in 1672—74. 
^ Founded in 1666. 

* Bruce's Annals, II, 206. 
5 lb., II, 228-29. 

« Hedges' Diary, III, 198. 

7 Ih., Ill, 198-99. 

8 Ib.y III, 199. 


instructions. They renewed their proffered bonus; they ordered the 
commanders of their vessels in the Hugli *' to put all persons, from 
the youngest to the eldest, upon taking depths, shoals, setting of tides 
and currents, distances and buoys, and making drafts of the river or 
what else needful for the enabling them in this affair." In order to 
secure a supply of young men to be trained up in the work, they 
"entertained as apprentices for seven years, Greorge Horron, James 
White, Thomas Massen, James Ferborne, John Floyd, and Thomas 
Bateman, the first three years at £6, the next two years at £7, and the 
last two years at £8 per annum ; the whole to be paid there by you for 
tlieir provision of clothes." ^ The labours of these six apprentices bore 
fruit in a more accurate knowledge of the navigation and topography 
of the Hugli ; and to Herron in particular is due not only the earliest 
detailed instructions in print for piloting ships up the river, but probably 
also the earliest chart of any pretension to scientific accuracy .^ 

But although the Court had thus abandoned all thoughts of retrench- 
ment, they still clung to their peace policy, and still trusted the safety 
of their factories in Bengal to the good- will of the local governors. 
And certainly, if Imperial rescripts could have protected them, they were 
abundantly safe. In the time of Shah Jahan they had received letters 
patent from the Emperor himself in 1638, together with the oft- 
quoted grant of the unfortunate Frince Shuja' in 1652, or 1656. 
Already Aurangzeb had granted letters patent in 1667.^ In 1672 
Shayista Khan, who like Mir Jumlah exacted an annual offering of 
three thousand rupees, issued an order confirming all the privileges 
of the English Company, and warning all the local officers in Bengal 
and Orissa to govern themselves according to the Imperial patents. 
"And whatsoever goods the said Company shall import from Balasor, 
or any other place near the sea-side, up to Hugli, Cassimbazar, Patna, 
or any other place in these two kingdoms, as also what stdtpetre, or 
any other goods, they shall export from Patna, or any other place, 
to Balasor, or any other port to the sea, that you let them pass 
custom-free, without any let, impediment, or demands whatsoever. 
And wherever they have factories or warehouses, that you help their 
factors in getting in their due debts from any weavers, merchants, 
and the like, that really appear to be indebted to them, without giving 

» Sedges' Diary, III, 199. 

2 lb., Ill, 201, 

3 For these grants see the list of Government papers in the Summaries, 
p. 241, § 54. 



protection to any such person so indebted whereby they may anyways 
be wronged. And whatsoever boats and the like, whether their own 
or freighted, let them not be stopped on any pretence whatsoever, 
but Buffered to pass without molestation. And notwithstanding I have 
lately, by reason of a great outrage committed by the Dutch, abso- 
lutely forbidden them any trade in these kingdoms aforesaid, so that 
governors and other officers have taken occasion to stop and hinder 
the English trade, which I have not interdicted, with that of the 
Dutch, which I have strictly forbidden, I do declare that the English 
never committed any offence of so high a nature that their trade 
should be hindered. And therefore I resolve and order, as before 
that according to the above-mentioned order, and as their trade has 
for so many years quietly and without impediment gone on in these 
kingdoms aforesaid, that it now also be not hindered, but that what- 
ever their factors and other servants shall buy or sell as aforesaid be 
no ways letted or impeded. And that I may hear no more complaints 
from the English in this matter see that this my order be strictly 
observed." ^ 

In spite of all these rescripts, the evils complained of by the 
English recurred again and again, and nothing seems to have been done 
by Shayista Xhan to check the vexatious proceedings of the local 
underlings. The country, however, and its commerce were indebted 
to him for one great benefit. At the beginning of his government 
he rooted out the pirate hordes which for more than a century had 
infested the Bay of Bengal. In 1665 a numerous army and fleet were 
assembled at Dacca, and rigorous measures were resolved on. To the 
Portuguese desperadoes at Chittagong and in the service of the king of 
Arakan, Shayista Khan sent threats. He told them that mighty 
forces had been got together, and that it was the Emperor's fixed 
determination to destroy the power of Arakan. They too would be 
spoiled and ruined if they continued in their evil ways. If they were 
wise they would enter the service of the Mogul. These threats took 
instant effect. The Portuguese came over in a body, and were settled 
near Dacca. Chittagong was taken in 1666, and the name of the city 
was changed to Islamabad. ^ 

' Stewart's History of Bengal, edition of 18i7, Appendix, p. iii. 
- Ih., 187 to 189. 


1676 TO 1681. 


It was not long before the Court relapsed into its chronic state of 
anxiety as to the good order of its factories on the east side of India. 
Under Sir William Langhorne the affairs of the Company were at once 
laxly and injudiciously administered. The express orders of the Com- 
pany were not seldom neglected or set aside, while the Agents and 
Councils of the different stations spent their time in disputing with one 
another or with the government at Fort St. George. To remedy these 
evils, the Court directed its attention to the formation of a more regular 
system of administration. The rank of their servants was in future to 
be fixed on the principle of making seniority the rule of succession to 
offices of trust, and the civil and military services were connected in 
such a manner as to give the chief authority to the former and render 
the latter subservient to the preservation of the settlements and promo- 
tion of trade. " For the advancement of our apprentices, " said the new 
regulations, " we direct that after they have served the first five years 
they shall have £10 per annum for the last two years ; and having 
served those two years to be entertained one year longer as writers and 
have writer's salary ; and having served that year to enter into the 
degree of factors, which otherwise would have been ten years. And 
knowing that a distinction of titles is, in many respects, necessary, we 
do order that when the apprentices have served their times they be 
styled writers ; and when the writers have SOTved their times they be 
styled factors ; and the factors having served their times be stvled 
merchants ; and the merchants having served their times to be styled 

E 2 


senior merchants." ^ All civil servants were directed to apply themselves 
to the acquisition of the knowledge of military discipline, so that in 
event of any sudden emergency, or of being found better qualified for 
military than for civil duties, they might receive commissions. For the 
purpose of introducing the new system of administration at Hugli 
and its dependencies, and enforcing the subordination of these distant 
stations to Fort St. George, a special commissioner was appointed, who 
was to succeed Sir William Langhorne when his term of oflBce should 

The man selected for discharging these important duties was 
Streynsham Master, who had already done good service to the Company 
in Western India, and had received a gold medal in remembrance of 
the gallantry and skill with which he had held the factory at Surat 
when it was attacked by Sivaji in 1670, He was undoubtedly a fit 
person to introduce order and decorum into the factories of the day. 
Worthy, religious, and methodical, he treated others with kindness and 
liberality. He writes like a gentleman, and, notwithstanding that he 
came to India before he was sixteen years old, his papers show that he 
was decidedly better educated than the majority of his contemporaries 
in the Company's service.^ His instructions were to inspect all the 
books and accounts and reduce them to the plain and clear method of 
the Presidency of Surat, to find out the best methods of disposing of 
imports to India and of providing exports for England, especially raw 
silk and taffetas, to investigate the characters and qualifications of the 
Company's servants, and to inquire into the causes of dissensions and 
quarrels amongst them, and to exhort to peaceable and quiet living. 
He was also to inquire into the business of Eaghu Podar, " who was beaten 
by the house broker of Cassimbazar, and died presently after." •* With 
this commission Streynsham Master left England on the 8th of January, 
1676, and, arriving at Fort St. George after a voyage of seven months, 
left again in the Eagle for the Bay on the 31st July. The original 
manuscript of the diary, whicb he kept during the voyage, is preserved 
among the Indian records. It gives a minute account of his proceedings, 
and is our most authentic record of the condition of the English in 
Bengal at this time.^ 

> Bmce's Annals, II, 374, 375 and 378. 

3 II., II, 375, 378. 

3 Eedges Diart/, II, 222 to 230. 

* lb., II, 231-32. 

5 lb., II, 232. 


There were then three most important English establishments in the 
Bay, Hugli and Cassimbazar, where they made their principal sales 
and investments, and Balasor, where they loaded and unloaded the 
'Europe " ships.* After them came the outlying factories at Patna and 
Singhiya - and at Dacca. At Eajmahal there was a small agency in 
connection with the Mogul mint, to which the English had to send all 
their treasure to be coined into rupees.^ 

At Balasor the voyager left his ship which had brought him all the 
way round the Cape from Europe, and went on board a smaller sloop. 
The entrance to the Hugli was then, as now, obstructed by a number 
of sand banks called " the Braces." Sailing cautiously over them, and 
entering the river, Master came to anchor off Saugor Island. It was 
early morning, and boats came round the voyagers, offering fish for sale. 
They were fresh and cheap. A single anna bought enough to feed ten 
men.* Oysters were also abundant.^ This was the eastern channel ; on 
the other side was the western channel by the island of Hijili, where the 
Mogul had built a small fort to protect his salt works, a " direful place, " 
destined in a few years to be the grave of many a stout-hearted 
Englishman."^ From his sloop Master could see the pits and places to 
boil brine ; and swarms of bees flew humming over the deck. The whole 
river- side was studded with manufactures of wax and salt, which were 
royal monopolies. The deep channel running eastwards was " Eogues 
River," the favourite haunt of the Aracanese pirates before the days of 
Shayista Khan." By the evening Master came to that awkward corner, 
Hugli Point. Below, the stream was eighteen or nineteen fathoms deep ; 
above, only eight or nine. This caused such a whirling, especially at 
the first of the flood and the last of the ebb, that your sloop went 
twisting round and round with the current, and sometimes was shot past 
the channel of the Hugli into the Eupnarayan. But coming near upon 

' Hedges Diary, II, 236. 

- Singhiya, or Lalganj, on the left bank of the Gandak river, about fifteen 
miles north of Patna, is frequently mentioned in the early records of the Company 
as Singee or Singe. It was not a healthy place, being mostly saltpetre ground ; 
but the English kept an establishment there because it was close to the saltpetre 
and removed from the interference of the nabob of Bihar and his subordi- 
nates. They had at this time no factory of their own at Patna where they lived 
and hired houses. The Chief of the Bihar establishment usually lived at Singhiya. 

3 See Hedges' Diary, vol. I, passim, e.g. pp. 57, 69, 70, 75, 97, 98. Sic. 

* Ih., 1, 68. 

s lb., n, 232. 

8 lb., II, 237. 

" Ih., II, 232. 


high-water, Master made the point without any accident. Then they 
cast anchor again, for the freshes would not allow them to go any 
higher that night.^ 

Next day they found themselves opposite Betor, in Garden Reach, 
where the Portuguese ships used to ride over a hundred years ago, 
when CsBsar Fredrick came that way. The place was now called Great 
Thana, and you could see the mud walls of the old forts built here on each 
side of the river to prevent piratical incursions.^ The people would still 
tell stories of how, ten or twelve years ago, before the strong hand of 
the viceroy had completely crushed Arakan, no one dared to dwell lower 
down the river beyond the protection of the old fort, and how the people 
by the bank used to flee into the jungle from the grasp of the spoilers, 
who carried them off captive to sell them into slavery at Pipli.^ Op- 
posite, to the right, was the village of Govindpur, where the Setts and 
Bysacks had cleared away the dense jungle and built homes for their 
families. Running off to the south of the village was the " Old Ganges," 
and a little further along it stood the shrine of Kali. Above Govind- 
pur was Calcutta, but there was little to show its future greatness.^ 

Master could see only the signs of the commercial prosperity of Hol- 
land. Early next day he passed Barnagar, with its Dutch establishment 
for killing and salting hogs. Two miles short of Hugli he came to the 
Dutch garden at Chandannagar, and a little further was a deserted place 
which the French had intended for their factory. The gate had not yet 
fallen into ruin, but the place was now in possession of their neighbours. 

At Ohinsurah he saw the Dutch factory, standing by itself like an 
English country seat. About seven o'clock in the evening he landed 
at Gholghat, where he was welcomed to the English Company's house.^ 

On a Monday evening Master set forward again to the Company's 
garden, two miles north of the town. In two days he reached Nadia, 
the time-honoured seat of Sanskrit learning. And so he made his 
way up the river, sometimes meeting the state barge of a rich Indian 
noble, and sometimes the cargo boats laden with the Company's 
saltpetre from Singhiya and Patna, till at length in five more days 

' Hedges' Diary, II, 233. 

2 One stood where the house of the Snperintendent of the Sibpur Botanical 
Garden now is ; the other was placed on the opposite side of the riyer at Mattija- 

3 "Hedges' Diary, II, 237. 

* The history of these places will be given subsequently in Book III, 
chapter IV. 

* Hedges Diary, II, 283-34. 


he reached his destination.^ Cassimbazar was the head-quarters of the 
silk trade and was almost equal in importance to Hugli. It was 
an ordinary Indian town, about two miles long, with streets so 
narrow in some places where markets were kept, that there was barely 
room for a single palanquin to pass.- The houses, as everywhere in 
Bengal, were all made of mud dug out of the ground, so that every 
house had a holeful of water standing by it, a good reason why 
the country should be unwholesome.^ The loose, fat soil was exceed- 
ingly fertile; yet firewood was scarce, and timber dear and bad. 
All the district round was planted with mulberry trees, the young 
leaves being in great request for feeding the silkworms.^ The silk 
itself was yellow, like most crude silks, but the people of Cassimbazar 
knew how to bleach it with a lye made of the ashes of the plantain 
tree, which made it as white as the silk of Palestine.^ 

Streynsham Master reached Balasor at the end of August, and 
leaving it again on the 6th September, was in Hugli eight days 
later. On the 25th the governor of Maqsudabad was informed 
that Master had arrived at Cassimbazar.^ Here he remained for 
upwards of six weeks. 

Three important questions awaited his decision. In the first place he 
had to settle a number of disputes between the Company's servants and 
inquire into the case of Eaghu Podar, the Company's cash-keeper. This 
man had been put into custody by order of Yincent, then chief of the 
Cassimbazar factory, in order to extract payment from him of sums due 
to the Company ; and while Yincent was away in the country, Ananta- 
rama, the Company's broker, who had charge of the prisoner, had ordered 
him to be severely beaten, and Eaghu Podar had died that same night. 
This had naturally caused great excitement amongst the native 
commimity and had led to trouble with the Mogul government. The 
matter had only been hushed up by the payment of thirteen thousand 
rupees. Streynsham Master held an inquiry into the whole afiair, 
which lasted for upwards of a fortnight, and also investigated a number 
of other charges and counter-charges brought by the members of the 
Council against one another. An utter stranger, coming to the 

1 Hedges Diary, II, 234. 

2 lb., II, 236. 

3 lb., II, 238. 
* lb., II, 236. 

» Tavernier's Voyages, Tol. II, p. 261, Paris edition of 1677. 
« Hedges Diary, II, 232 to 234. 

66 ► master's settlement. 

factories of Bengal for the first time in his life, he could not, we 
may be sure, succeed in ascertaining the real rights of the cases upon 
which he was called upon to decide.^ All that he could do was to 
try and prevent further scandals, here and elsewhere, by new modelling 
the consultations, assigning particular duties to each of the Company's 
servants, and ordering regular records to be made of the whole of their 
proceedings and transmitted first to Fort St. George and thence to 
England, together with translations of all letters and grants from the 
Indian government.^ 

In the second place, Master took steps which led to the founding of 
a new factory at Malda, a town on the other side of the Ganges, a day's 
journey from Rajmahal. On the 14th October it was resolved to invest 
a sum of four or five hundred rupees in various coarse stuffs to be 
procured there, and a sixth centre of English commerce was formed 
in Bengal.^ 

Lastly, on the 1st November, the Cassimbazar Council "haveing 
taken into consideration and debate which of the two places, Hugli 
or Balasor, might be most proper and convenient for the residence 
of the Chiefe and Councell in the Bay, did resolve and conclude that 
Hugli was the most fitting place notwithstanding the Europe ships 
doe Unloade and take in their Indeing in Balasor roade, Hugli being 
the Key or Scale of Bengala, where all goods pass in and out to and 
from all parts, and being near the center of the Companys business is 
more commodious for receiving of advices from and issuing of orders to, 
all subordinate fi'actoryes. 

" Wherefore it is thought Convenient that the Chiefe and Councell 
of the Bay doe reside at Hugli, and upon the dispatch of the Europe 
ships the Chiefe and the Councell, or some of them (as shall be thought 
Convenient) doe yearly goe down to Balasor, soe well to expedite the 
dispatch of the ships as to make inspection into the affairs of Balasor 
ffactory. And the Councell did likewise Conclude that it was requisite 
a like inspection should be yearly made in the ffactory at Cassambazar 
the Honble Companys principal concernes of sales and investments in 
the Bay lyeing in those two places, and the expence of such visitation 
will be very small, by reason of Conveniency of travelling in these 
Countreys by land or water." ^ The day of Calcutta was not yet. 

1 Hedges' Diary, II, 234-35. 
^ Bruce's Annals, II, 403. 
^ Hedges' Diary, II, 235. 
* lb., II, 236. 


On the 8 th of November Streynsham Master left Cassimbazar 
and on the 29th Hugli. On the 17th January, 1677, he arrived at 

Within a year of this visitation Clavell, the chief of the Bengal 
factories, died, and on the 7th September, 1677, Matthias Yineent 
reigned in his Etead.^ The new agent, who has sdready been noticed 
as concerned in the affair of Raghu Podar, seems to have never been 
liked or trusted by his honourable masters. They accused him of 
homicide, " diabolical arts with Bramminees" exercising charms, using 
poison, and worse.^ For of all crimes under the sun which a man 
could commit, the two most heinous in the Court's eyes were for a 
private merchant to infringe their monopoly by coming to India to trade 
without their license in their commodities, and for a covenanted 
servant of theirs to encourage, protect, and share in such criminal 
proceedings. At this time there was in those parts a notable private 
trader and interloper, Thomas Pitt, destined in after years to be 
Governor of Fort St. Greorge, discoverer of the finest diamond in the 
world, and progenitor of two of England's greatest statesmen ; but as 
yet only " a yoimg beginner," trading in his own account between 
Persia and Bengal,* Somewhere about the end of 1678 or the begin- 
ning of 1679, Pitt married Jane Tnnes, one of whose aunts was 
Vincent's wife. The agent* at Hugli looked upon himself as the 
uncle of "the pirate" Pitt, and always wrote to him and treated him 
as his nephew. He was thus clearly guilty of " the treacherous and 
unpardonable sin of compliance with interlopers." ^ 

"SVe cannot say whether the Court ever knew the whole of this 
dreadful story. They were, however, always suspecting Yineent of 
such iniquities, and attempted to exercise a jealous supervision over 
the establishment in Bengal through the governor of Fort St. George.^ 
In 1679, Streynsham Master found it again necessary to visit the Bay. 
He went in state as Governor of Madras, taking with him Mr. Mohun, 
one of the Madras Council, a chaplain, the Rev. Richard Elliott, a secre- 
tary, two writers, an ensign, and thirteen soldiers, besides orderlies and 
palanquin boys. They set sail on the 1st of August, reached Balasor 

1 Hedges Diary, II, 236 to 238. 

' Danvers, op. cit., p. 10. 

' Hedges Diary, II, 284, 290-9 J. 

* lb.. Ill, 1 to 9. 

» lb.. Ill, 28. 

« lb., II, 290 to 292. 


on the 17th and Hugli a month later, and did not return to Madras till 
the 26th January, I68O.1 

Streynsham Master this time exercised his authority more decisively 
and vigorously than he had done three years earlier. He did not 
displace Vincent, but he did what he could to improve the discipline 
and moral tone of the agencies. He had the wretched huts in use 
replaced in many cases by brick buildings, he drew up a number of 
disciplinary regulations, settled the order of precedence and succession 
among the Company's servants, and suggested that their salaries should 
be increased. These things did not please the Court. They were ready 
enough to find fault with their servants, but slow to do anything to 
improve them; and while they expected every one to sacrifice his 
interests to theirs, they grudged to spend a few pounds in return for the 
benefit of others.^ 

Under Vincent, in spite of his misdoings, the Bengal trade con- 
tinued to make rapid progress. In 1675 the factors, besides the £65,000 
of stock, were authorised to take up £20,000 at interest, and with this 
sum to buy principally silks and taffetas of a finer quality and six hundred 
tons of saltpetre, and after that white sugar, cotton-yarn, turmeric, and 
bees-wax to fill up any spare tonnage in the ships.^ Two years later the 
sales of Dacca and Malda goods in England turned out so profitably, that 
the Court raised the stock to £100,000.'* .The result was that the invest- 
ment despatched from the east coast in the next year consisted almost 
entirely of exports from Bengal, and was on the whole greater than " it 
had been in any other period of the Company's commerce." ^ Fort St. 
George was ordered to store up annually five hundred tons of saltpetre 
ready for despatch.® In 1680 as much as £150,000 was appropriated 
to the factories of the Bay. In this year £20,000 was assigned to 
Balasor alone, which became a purchasing as well as a shipping 

The measures which the Court had taken to improve the naviga- 
tion of the river had at last succeeded. In 1679 Captain Stafford made 
the passage up with the Falcon^ and for the first time Mother Ganges bore 

' Hedges Diary, II, 243. 

2 Ih , II, 247. 

3 Bruce's Annals, IT, 361. 
* lb., II, 409. 

» lb., II, 430. 
6 lb., II, 4-2&. 
■ lb., II, 451, 453. 


on her tide a British sbip.^ A curious recollection of the event still 
survives in Calcutta. The story is told that, while lying in Garden 
Eeach, at all times a favourite anchorage, Stafford sent over to 
G-ovindpur to ask the Setts and Bysacks for a dohhash,- meaning an 
interpreter or broker. The simple villagers mistook the word dohhdsh 
for dhoha, a washerman, and accordingly sent one, named Eatan Sarkar. 
Luckily the man could understand a little English, and was so intelli- 
gent, that his new employers were quite satisfied with him, and thus the 
quondam washerman was promoted to the dignity of being the English 
interpreter in Bengal. 

' Hedges' Diary, III, 200. 

- In Bengali dohhdsluya means interpreter, and rf/toJa a washerman. Dobhash 
is the common word in Madras for broker; in Bengal the word used is hanyan. 
Hence the mistake. 



The visits of Streynsham Master to Bengal afford a convenient 
opportunity. for pausing in our history, and attempting to form some 
idea of the condition of the English in the Bay before the foundation of 
Fort William, and at the time when their commercial operations all came 
to a head at Hugli. Here, or near here, had been for centuries the chief 
mart of Western Bengal. From the parts all about came silk, sugar, 
and opium, rice and wheat, oil and butter, coarse hemp and jute ; and in 
the neighbourhood lived large numbers of weavers of cotton cloth and 
tasar silk of various sorts. In the town of Hugli itself the Portuguese 
were numerous, but their trade was inconsiderable. Eeduced to a low 
and mean condition, their chief subsistence was to take service as soldiers 
under the local government. As a centre for the English trade the place 
had many defects which could not be remedied by any improvements in 
the pilotage of ships. It was separated from the Bay by a long and 
dangerous river, and was therefore hard to defend from the sea : it stood 
on the west bank, and was therefore easy to attack from the land. And 
the founders of the Hugli factory had done their best to add to these faults. 
The large, badly-built Indian town, with its narrow lanes, stretched for 
about two miles along the river-side. North of it was Bandel, the ill-fated 
colony of the Portuguese; south was the Dutch settlement of Chinsurah. 

' See also the contemporary account given below p. 375 et seq. 


Near the middle of the town, for the space of about three hundred 
yards, a small indentation occurred in the bank, forming a diminutive 
whirlpool, whence the Bengalis called it Gholghat. It was this spot, 
hemmed in on all sides by closely-packed houses, hard by the resi- 
dence of the Mogul governor which the English, with short-sighted 
rashness, chose as the site' of their factory.^ 

To the eyes of one accustomed to the house at Surat, with its ample 
rooms and fair oratory, its warehouses and cellars, its baths and ponds 
of clear water, the establishment at Gholghat seemed a poor place 
of eastern residence. It afforded no accommodation at all to the 
married servants of the Company, who had to live outside in the 
native town, neither had it any proper quay with lodgings for the 
captains and pilots. In 1676 Streynsham Master gave instructions 
for rebuilding and enlarging the factory. Besides improving and add- 
ing to the main building, he had that part of the precinct which was 
near the river repaired and enclosed, and " hovels" set up for the use of 
the English employed on the ships and sloops. It was ordered that 
those who were living outside in houses of their own ^should by degrees 
be brought into the factory precinct, and allowed to build such 
accommodation as they desired, if married. All persons so living were 
to be under the inspection of the purser marine and to live under such 
orders as they might receive from the Council.^ 

As elsewhere, the governing body at Hugli consisted of four members, 
the agent, who was chief of the factories in the Bay, the accountant, the 
storekeeper, and the purser marine. Next in order of succession was 
the secretary, who attended all the meetings of the Council and kept 
a diary of their consultations, a copy of which was sent home every 
year, together with a general letter reviewing their proceedings; the 
chaplain, when there was one, ranked as third after the accountant; 
the surgeon came between the purser marine and the secretary ; the 
eighth in order of precedence was the steward. After these dignities 
came the general body of merchants, factors, writers, and apprentices. 
The pay of the agent was originally £100 a year, but it must have 
been gradually raised, till in 1682 it was £200 a year and £100 
gratuity. The chaplain, too, was paid £100, the factors received from 
£20 to £40, and the writers only £10 a year. Those rates of salary 
were merely nominal: what the real incomes of the various ranks were 
it is impossible to say, for, besides what they gained by private trade, 

» Hedges' Diary, If, 238 to 240. 
2 16., II, 236 and 237. 


they drew considerable sums from the public funds as allowances for 
various purposes. Every servant of the Company had a right to free 
quarters in the factory, dinner and supper at the public table, lights and 
attendants. The senior oflficers, who were married, and desired " to 
diet apart," were given their diet money, servants' wages, free candles* 
and other additions.^ To enforce his authority, the Chief had under 
him a force of thirty or forty native orderlies, to which was added in 
1682 a corporal and twenty European soldiers.- 

The usual intermediary between the English and the local 
producers and consumers was the Indian broker, who was sent out 
into the districts round the factory to buy on the Company's behalf in 
the cheapest markets. He had to give a security, and was rewarded 
by a brokerage of three per cent, on all transactions. Another way was 
to invite the merchants living in the town by the factory to send 
samples, and buy through them. But in whichever way the purchases 
were made, passes were given to the broker or merchant in the 
English Company's name, so that the goods might be freely conveyed 
to their destination ; and in the same way, whatever the Company 
sold, whether for ready money or on account, they gave with it a 
free pass, so that the buyer might not have to pay duty. 

No one could live outside the factory unless he received permission 
to do so.^ "Within, life was regulated after the fashion of a college. 
The hours of work were from nine or ten till twelve in the morning, 
and again in the afternoon till about four if work was pressing. 
Ordinarily there was not so much to do, but during the shipping time 
the place was filled with busy hum of men. At midday they all dined 
together in the common hall, seated strictly in order of seniority. The 
table was loaded with every sort of meat and dish which the country 
could afford, prepared by Indian, Portuguese, English, and even French 
cooks. There was a plentiful supply of plate. A silver ewer and basin 
were used at the beginning and end of the meal for washing the hands. 
They drank arrack pimch and Shiraz wine. European wine and bottled 
beer were great luxuries. On Sundays and holidays they had game to 
eat, and drank the healths of King and Company and of every one 
at table, down to the youngest writer. The drinking of tea every day 

1 See Hedges' Diary, II, pp. 10 and 11, Hyde's First "Bengal Chaplain, 
pp. 3 and 5, published in the Indian Church Quarterly Eevieic, January 1890. 
Compare also Orington's Voyage to Surat, pp. 389 to^391, edition of 1698. 

• Ovington's Voyage, pp. 391-92: Bruce's Annals, II, 467-68. 

' Hedges' Diary, II, 237. Orington's Voyage, 393. 


at their ordinary social meetings was even then in fashion, and was 
common all over India."^ The second meal taken together in the hall 
was supper.2 At nine o'clock the factory gates were shut. 

Their pleasures and amusements were few indeed. Sometimes 
they entertained, or were entertained by their Dutch neighbours.^ 
Occasionally they might go out into the country around to shoot, or 
hunt in company with some local grandee,^ or see such antiquities as 
Bengal possessed.^ But as a rule their excursions were limited to the 
English garden two miles north of the factory,^ whither they would go, 
morning and evening to breathe the fresh air and to walk underneath 
the shady trees and bathe in the cool ponds of water.^ Their exercise 
was shooting at the butts ; their refreshment a bottle of wine and 
a cold collation of fruits and preserves, which they brought with 
them,^ The chief and second had a palanquin each when they 
went abroad, and the rest of the Council with the chaplain were allowed 
to have large umbrellas borne above them in solemn state, but this 
protection against the sun's rays was rigidly denied to the rest of the 
Company's servants.^ No one, however, could stir without being 
attended by a number of orderlies.^" 

On high days the governor went to the garden in a procession 
which, according to native ideas, must have been most magnificent 
and imposing.^^ First came two men carrying swallow-tailed silk flags 
displaying the broad red cross of St. Greorge fastened to a silver 
partisan ; ^^ next the musicians sounding their trumpets, and the chief's 
Persian horses ^^ of state led before him gallantly equipped in rich 
trappings. The chief and his wife reclined in palanquins borne by 

^ See Mandelslo's Voyage, ia Wheeler's Early Record's Voyage of British 
India, edition of 1878, p. 22. 

2 Ovington's Voyage, 394 to 398. At Surat it was the custom for the Chief 
and Council to have supper together alone "for the maintenance of a friendly 
correspondence and to discourse of the Company's business." 

^ Tavernier's Voyage, II, 81. Hedges' Diary, I, 56. 

■* Hedges' Diary, I, 66. 

* n., I, 88. 

^ lb., I, 34, 35, II, 234, and constantly in our authorities. 

"^ Ovington's Voyage, 400. 

^ Mandelslo's Voyage, as above, p. 22. 

^ Hyde, op. cit., p. 5. 

^^ Ovington's Voyage, 392. 

" For this procession, see Ovington's Voyage, 399, 400. Compare Hedges' 
Diary, I, 123, quoted below, p. 74. 

12 The English flag was also displayed at the factory and at the garden. 

" Hedges' Diary, II, 237. 


four orderlies, with two others to relieve them, and were escorted by 
the whole body of orderlies in scarlet coats on foot. After the 
chief came the other members of council in large coaches, ornamented 
with silver knobs, drawn by oxen. The rest of the factors followed, 
some on horses and some in carriages. If their wives were with them, 
the carriages, in accordance with native etiquette, were closed. Other- 
wise they were open, so that the people might behold and admire 
their fine clothes. 

Of course they imitated the European changes of mode, but 
at a respectful distance, for in those times "the butterfly passion" 
took many years to flit across to India. In 1658 a good cloth coat with 
large silver lace was all the fashion, and was considered to be the 
badge of an Englishman. "Without it, or something like it, a man got 
no esteem or regard.^ Perukes, I expect, were not generally adopted 
in India till long after their introduction into Europe. No doubt 
great personages, like Streynsham Master or His Reverence the 
Chaplain, came out wearing the ample wig,^ but those who consulted 
comfort cut the hair short and condescended " to enter into the 
Moor's fashion." ^ What the English ladies wore I cannot imagine, 
but I dare say they took care to be less old-fashioned than the men. 
Unfortunately there were few of them, the hardships and dangers 
of the long voyage being very great, and a large number of the 
Company's servants had to find their wives in the country. 

I find it difficult to give a fair and impartial account of the Eng- 
lish in Bengal at this period. The pictures we have of them, like 
all pictures of societies, dwell upon the darker aspects of the scene. 
In those days of greatest isolation the tendency to gravitate towards 
the local ways of living and acting was very strong. They took their 
meals when away from the factory lying on carpets ; ^ they wore the 
Indian dress ; they married Indian wives. 

But besides these practices, which, if we consider the circum- 
stances, are at least excusable, the English in Bengal developed other 
characteristics, which gained for their establishments the reputation 
of being the laxest and worst disciplined in India, just as the Surat 
factory was reputed the godliest. It was the general belief that their 

» Sedges' Diary, II, 347. 
^ Hyde, op. cit,, p. 5. 
^ Sedges' Diary, III, 194. 
* Ovington'a Voyage, 401. 


untimely deaths were due rather to gross intemperance than to the 
climate. "It cannot be denied," writes Bemier^ in 1666, "that the air 
is not 60 healthy there, especially near the sea, and when the English 
and Hollanders first came to settle there many of them died. I have 
seen in Balasor two very fine English ships, which, having been obliged 
by reason of the war with the Hollanders to stay there above a year, 
were not able to go to sea, because most of their men were lost. Yet 
since the time that they have taken care and given orders, as well as the 
Hollanders, that their seamen shall not drink so much bowl-punch, nor 
go BO often ashore to visit the sellers of arrack and tobacco and the 
Indian women, and since they have found that a little Bordeaux, Canary, 
or Shiraz wine is a marvellous antidote against the ill air, there is not so 
much sickness among theni. Bowl-punch is a certain beverage' made of 
arrack, that is of strong water, black sugar with the juice of lemon, 
water, and a little muscadine squeezed upon it. It is pleasant enough 
to the taste, but the plague of the body and health." In spite 
of all this the habit of drinking did not die out so soon. When 
Master first came to Bengal he found a punch -house within the 
Balasor factory ; and in 1678 the youthful Pitt writes : " There 
is a general complaint that we drink a damnable deal of wine this 
year." ^ 

The English in Bengal were equally notorious for their quarrels, 
the natural outcome of the prevailing eagerness to make money and the 
spirit of espionage fostered by their masters, who were pleased that 
their servants should tell tales of one another. The old viceroy Shayista 
Khan called them "a company of base, quarrelling people and foul 
dealers;" and our great modern authority will not gainsay that the 
nabob had good grounds for his assertion. The impression of the 
moral and social tone of the Company's servants in the Bay which has 
been left on the mind of Sir Henry Yule by his exhaustive study of the 
records of the time is " certainly a dismal one," and he has found it 
*' hard to augur from their prevalent character at this time the ultimate 
emergence among the servants of the Company of such men as 
Elphinstone, Munro, and Malcolm, Henry and John Lawrence, Martyn 
and Keber," or a host of other noble souls who lived their days without 
regret in India, studious alike of its good and of the good of their own 
nation.^ _ 

1 Amsterdam edition of 1724, vol. II, \\ 334. 
^ Hedges' Diary, III, &. 
3 lb., II, 29, 30. 


But men do not gather grapes of thorns, or figs of thistles. Surely, 
knowing the brighter future, we may make reply : 

" You make our faults too gross. 
At times the small black fly upon the pane 
May seem the black ox of the distant plain." 

We must not allow the noisy riot of a few callow boys new to the 
country, or the excesses of a ship's crew set loose after a tedious voyage, 
to silence the quiet but eloquent testimony of hundreds of lives spent in 
serving the Company faithfully, soberly, hopefully, honestly. There is 
another account to be given of early English life in Bengal. The native 
inhabitants, shrewd judges of character, saw matters in a very different 
light from the nabob. They saw, on the one hand, the viceroy of 
Dacca and his ofi&cers throughout the country oppressing the people, 
demanding bribes and presents upon a thousand petty pretexts, mono- 
polising every useful article, down to the very grass for their cattle and 
wood for their fire, harassing trade, obliging the Hindu merchants to 
buy goods at unfairly enhanced prices, urging them to borrow money 
at exorbitant rates of interest, and requiring them to repay principal 
and interest before they become due.^ They saw, on the other hand, 
the English careful to discharge all their obligations, anxious to defend 
their servants, and to do justice. " Never," says the Court in 1693, 
" never any native of India lost a penny debt by this Company from the i 
time of the first institution thereof in Queen Elizabeth's days tiU this 
time;"^ and the faithfulness jof the Hindu merchants to the Company's 
interest was a commonplace with the Court. Where is the evidence to 
justify the belief in the general corruption of this period ? It is easy 
to turn history into melodrama, and people the stage with villains, in the 
midst of which some favourite hero shaU move as an angel from another 
world. But the fact is that the English at Hugli were for the most 
part not so very different from their successors of to-day, sincere, 
manly, and earnest, happy in their work, proud of their position, anxious 
for the good name of their religion and their country, anxious to 
leave the place of their sojourn a little better than they found it. 

To minister to such a flock came in 1678 the Eev. John Evans, / 
the first Bengal Chaplain.^ Born of the stock of an ancient family in / 
North Wales, educated at Jesus College, Oxford, he was, while still the 

» Helges' Diary, II, 238 and 239. 

2 lb.. Ill, 17. 

^ For the details about Evans see Hyde, op. cit. 

r 2 


curate of Thistleworth, on the recommendation of Sir Joseph Ashe, elected 
by the Court to be their chaplain in the Bay. Though married, he was 
still a young man in his twenty-eighth year, with handsome features 
and a fine stature. He was eager to go forth to his work. Twenty 
pounds were given him for his outfit, and in December, 1677, only a 
month after his formal appointment, he embarked with his wife at 
Gravesend. On the 23rd of June following he arrived at Hugli, 
and for a year or more was busied in visiting the out-agencies and 
providing a chapel for the factory. His youth, his impetuous zeal, and 
his liberal opinions prejudiced him in the eyes of some of the older 
men. It is clear that he sympathised with the interlopers, and that, in 
common with the other members of the factory, but with more than 
ordinary aptitude and vigour, he accommodated himself to the necessity 
of tradiug to eke out his salary. For all this he incurred the censure 
of the Court. Still we cannot doubt the good influence of one who " ever 
had greatly at heart to fulfil the ministry which he had received in the 
Lord." His character, in fact, presented the rare combination of 
gentleness and strength. Even the " Gentiles," it is said, revered 
him. " He drew men by his sweet words, moulded them by his grave 
looks, led them by the example of his strict life." 

In 1679, when the governor of Madras paid his second visit to 
Bengal, accompanied by his chaplain, Elliott, the three men took counsel 
together as to the best means of propagating in Bengal the godly 
discipline of Surat. On the 12th December a number of regulations 
were issued " for advancing the glory of God, upholding the honour of 
the English nation, and preventing of disorders," and were ordered 
to be observed by all persons employed in the Company's service in 
the factories of the Bay. The voice of Streynsham Master, the great 
disciplinarian, may be heard throughout plainly enough. He begins 
with admonition, he ends with threats of condign punishment. The 
preamble declares that persons of all professions ought to hallow God's 
name, attend His services, and seek His blessing by daily prayers, 
and warns every servant of the Company " to abandon lying, swearing, 
cursing, drunkenness, uncleanness, profanation of the Lord's Day, and 
all other sinful practices, and not to be out of the house or from their 
lodgings late at nights, or absent from, or neglect, morning or evening 
prayer, or do any other thing to the dishonour of Almighty God, 
the corruption of good manners, or against the peace of the Govern- 
ment." Should any still refuse to hear the voice of the preacher, he will 
have recourse to the judicial powers committed to him by the Eoyal 


Charter. If any one is found absent from the house after nine o'clock • 
at night he -will have to pay ten rupees for the use of the poor. Any I 
one guilty of profane swearing must pay twelve pence for each oath. \ 
Drunkenness is to be punished by a fine of five shillings for each ofience. ■ 
One shilling is the fine for neglecting to attend public prayers / 
morning and evening on the Lord's day. If these sums are not paid ^ 
on demand, they will be levied by distress and sale of the ofi'ender's 
goods ; failing this the offender will have to sit in the stocks. Whoever 
is guilty of lying wiU pay twelve pence to the poor for every such 
offence. Any Protestant staying in the Company's house and absent- 
ing himself without lawful excuse from the public prayers morning 
and evening, will also pay twelve pence to the poor for every such 
default, or be confined a whole week within the house. " If any, by 
those penalties, will not be reclaimed from their vices, or any shall be 
found guilty of adultery, fornication, uncleannessj or any such crimes, 
or shall disturb the peace of the factory by quarrelling or fighting, 
and will not be reclaimed, then they shall be sent to Fort St. Geogre, 
there to receive condign punishment." And " these orders shall be 
read publicly to the factory twice in a year, that is, upon the Sunday 
next after Christmas Day and upon the Sunday next after Midsummer 
Day, in the forenoon, after Divine service, that none may pretend igno- 
rance thereof." Lastly, '* one of the factors or writers shall be monthly 
appointed by the respective chiefs to note and collect the forfeiture, 
and to pay the same to the chief who is every year to send it to the 
chief at Hugli, and they are to remit the whole collections every year 
to the agent at the Fort,^ there to be paid to the overseers of the 

And thus Christian observance and Christian order were introduced 
amongst these hitherto neglected members of the Church. Morning 
and evening the English at Hugli joined again in that princely liturgy, 
whose very words have a strange charm, like the melody of far-off bells 
to draw the soul Godwards. Day by day was offered up the appointed 
prayer for the Divine blessing upon the Company and their servants. 
'* O Almighty and most merciful God, who art the sovereign protector 

> The Fort, of course, means Port St. George, Madras. Mr. Hyde seemg to 
take it as meaning Hugli. (See I. Q. E., vol. iii, p. 78, Gervase Bellamy, p. 5.) 

" These regulations occur in the Hugli Diary of J 679, in the India Office 
Records. They are given by Mr. Hyde. op. cit. They are also given in exttnto 
in a MS. account of Bengal in the British Museum, Add. MSS. 34, 123. 

70 THE company's PRAYER. 

of all that trust in Thee, and the author of all spiritual and temporal 
blessings, we. Thy unworthy creatures, do most humhly implore Thy 
goodness for a plentiful effusion of Thy grace upon our employers, 
Thy servants, the Right Honourable East India Company of England. 
Prosper them in all their undertakings, and make them famous and 
successful in all their governments, colonies, and commerce, both by sea 
and land, so that they may prove a public blessing, by the increase 
of honour, wealth, and power to our native country, as well as to 
themselves. Continue Thy favour towards them, and inspire their 
Generals, Presidents, Agents, and Councils, in these remote parts of the 
world, and all others that are entrusted with any authority under them, 
with piety towards Thee our God, and with wisdom, fidelity, and 
circumspection in their several stations, that we may all discharge our 
respective duties faithfully and live virtuously, in due obedience to our 
superiors, and in love, peace, and charity towards one another. That 
these Indian nations, among whom we dwell, seeing our sober and 
righteous conversation, may be induced to have a just esteem for our 
most holy profession of the Gospel of our Lord and Saviour Jesus 
Christ, to whom be honour, praise, and glory, now and for ever. 

* Ovington's Voyage^ 408, 409. 


1682 ASD 1683. 


The Court at home had learnt two lessons : first, that the trade of 
Bengal was of the greatest importance ; secondly, that the regulation of 
the factories in that distant region was extremely difficult. The control 
exercised by their agent at Madras was uncertain and unsatisfactory j 
and, in spite of his well-meaning zeal, they were far from contented with 
Streynsham Master. They complained of delay in despatching the 
shipping and of the bad quality of the goods sent. They rebuked him 
for the haughty tone of his letters. They were indignant at the 
expenses which he had incurred in his " progress " in Bengal with his 
" princely retinue," costing them far more than it was worth. Above 
all, they were angry at what they considered to be a wanton disregard 
of their orders in his treatment of their favourite servant. In 1679 
Job Chamock, who was then at Patna, was appointed by the Court to be 
chief of the Cassimbazar factory and second of the Council of the Bay ; 
and in November, when Streynsham Master was on his second visita- 
tion of the Bengal factories, Chamock was ordered to send off the 


Company's saltpetre cargoes from Patna and to come down at once to 
join his new appointment. Charnock, however, made various excuses, and 
delayed leaving Patna. At length, on the 10th Decemher, Streynsham 
Master wrote to Charnock, censuring him for his disohedience and the 
inconvenience he had caused, and transferring him from Cassimbazar to 
Hugli, where he was to be second. This action of their agent, which 
was surely not so very unreasonable, drew down upon him the fulness 
of the Court's displeasure. They were weary, they said, of long dis- 
courses concerning "the succession," which "made doctrine more 
intricate than the text," and ended with a " use shamefully contradicting 
both." Their old servant had the right of succession. He had served 
them faithfully for twenty years, and had never been a " prowler for 
himself." He had stayed on at Patna to despatch their saltpetre simply 
out of a sense of duty and care for their service. Besides, they had 
given clear orders that he was to be chief at Cassimbazar, and so it 
should be.^ As for Master, his five-years term of service expired in July, 
1681, and he was dismissed their employment, and William Gifford 
nominated to supersede him as Agent and Governor of St. George.^ To 
Vincent also the Court meted out the same measure, but with more 
justice. Besides " his odious infidelity in countenancing interlopers," 
he shared with Master the guilt of injuring Charnock and retarding 
the shipping. He had connived at the base sorting of the goods, sent 
no invoices, kept back the accounts, neglected orders. He displayed 
gross partiality and favouritism in his management of the factories, 
and set an evil example by his riotous and evil way of living. He 
sacrificed the Company's interests to his own private trade by giving 
passes to the natives and by the ungodly taking of bribes.^ To prevent 
such irregularities from again arising in the establishments of the Bay, 
the Court determined that the agency at Hugli should be distinct and 
separate from Fort St. George, and that they might act with cer- 
tain knowledge, they appointed William Hedges, one of their number, 
with special powers to be Agent and Governor of their affairs and 
factories in the Bay of Bengal.^ The new agent's instructions are dated 
the 14th November, 1681. They rehearse the various abuses, frauds, 
and malpractices, prevailing in the Bay, which are the occasion of the 
electing and sending of William Hedges, who is to correct and remove 

' Hedges' Diary, II, 47-18. 

» Ih., II, 246. 

« lb., II, 1.3. 

♦ Bruce' s Annals, II, 4G6 to 468. 


them as speedily as possible. Vincent was to be seized and sent home a 
prisoner. Yigorous proceedings were directed against the interlopers, 
who had now grown so bold that with the assistance of the Turkey mer- 
chants ^ they were attempting to found a rival East India Company.^ 

On the 28th January, 1682, the Defence^ commanded by Captain 
William Heath, and the Resolution, under Captain Francis Wilshaw 
sailed out of the Downs with a fair wind. On board the Defence^ with 
his wife and family, was Governor Hedges, the Company's chosen 
reformer of abuses and destroyer of interlopers.^ About the 20th Feb- 
ruary, "WiUkm Pitt, the arch -interloper, set sail for Bengal in Captain 
Dorrel's ship, the Croicn^ together with three or four other vessels 
chartered by him or his principals.^ The Court had tried to stop Pitt in 
vain, but they made no doubt that Hedges, who had with him a 
corporal and twenty soldiers, would be able to arrest Yincent, Pitt, and 
their partners, before they could do any mischief. The Court were, in 
fact, fully confident of the " wreck of the interlopers," which they said 
would be " a just judgment of God upon their disloyal and unjust 
proceedings," and would " have such an effect upon all men's minds here, 
as to convince the deluded world of the vanity and folly of those 
persons." ^ 

In these expectations the Court were sadly disappointed. The Crown 
was a fast sailer. In less than two months she overhauled and passed 
the Defence and the Resolution^ and on the 8th July arrived at Balasor 
eleven days before Hedges.^ Consequently the new governor found the 
interlopers well prepared for him and quite able to take care of them- 
selves. Pitt, on his arrival, had given out that the Company was on 
the point of expiring, and that a new Company had been formed, of 
which he was the agent. Vincent, the late chief at Hugli, at once 
removed to safer quarters. On the 24th July he received Hedges 
at the Dutch Garden, guarded by thirty-five Portuguese firelocks, 
fifty Rajputs, and a number of other native soldiers. On beino- 
served with a subpoena out of Chancery and summoned to answer it, 
he most politely declined, saying he would answer in England. Pitt 

* Hedges' Diary, III, 9. For the opposition of the Turkey merchants to the 
East India Company, see ante, p. 46. 

' Hedges' Diary, II, 15 to 17. 
3 lb., I, 15. 

* Ih., III. 9, 10. 
» lb., Ill, 12. 

« lb., Ill, 1 and 10. 


also went about attended by red-coated Portuguese and native soldiers 
and trumpeters. He sailed up to Hugli in three ships, landed with 
great pomp and circumstance, and took up his quarters at Chinsurah. 
Here he was joined by Vincent, and with the assistance of the Dutch 
and the Bengali merchants began to build warehouses and start a new 
trade. He treated with the native governor of Hugli as an agent, and 
obtained an order from him, under the title of the New English Com- 
pany, giving him commercial privileges and liberty to build a factory.^ 
G-Qvernor Hedges did not arrest Pitt. After much tedious nego- 
tiation with the nabob of Dacca, an order was issued to the customs 
ofiBcer, Balchandra, and to the governor of Hugli, directing them to 
seize Pitt and Dorrell, but it was never executed. The interlopers 
readily agreed to pay the Mogul his dues, and no arguments or 
bribes availed against them.^ 

A year later the interlopers and their friends openly defied the 
agent. In September, 1683, at the very time when Hedges was 
making a last fruitless attempt to assert his authority, Captain Alley, 
a notorious interloper, audaciously came up to Hugli in a barge rowed 
by English mariners in coats with badges and with four musicians. 
On his arrival he went to visit the governor " in a splendid equipage, 
habited in scarlet richly laced. Ten Englishmen in blue caps and coats 
edged with red, all armed with blunderbusses, went before his palan- 
quin, eighty peons before them, and four musicians playing on the 
waits with two flags before him like an agent." ^ 

A few weeks afterwards on he went with like pomp to Balchandra. 
" He agreed to pay three and-a-half per cent, custom on all goods imported 
and exported : upon which they parted good friends." * The interloper 
was also on the best of terms with the factors at Hugli. " Captain 
Alley, Captain Smith and that gang," says Hedges, "are frequently 
visited, to our shame and the Company's discredit, by every considerable 
person in this factory, except myself. They and our Captains caress one 
another daily. Thus they send adventures home by them." ^ On the 
13th November 1G83, Alley actually dined with Captain Lake on board 
the Prudent Mary, one of the Company's ships, together with Honor, 
Clerk, and other interlopers, " making great mirth and jollity by firing 

' Hedges' Diary, 111, 11. 
3 Ih., I, 55, 130. ' 
3 Ih., I, 118, 123. 
' lb., 1, 130. 
' lb., 1, 130. 


guns all the afternoon." ' Hedges indeed succeeded in procuiing an order 
from Shajista Khan to the governor of Hugli, ordering him to arrest 
the interloping captains and send them to Dacca, but Balchandra came 
to their rescue promising to be himself responsible for them. It was 
represented to the nabob that the " Old Company " wanted to have a 
monopoly of the trade, whereas the "New Company" were merchants 
as well as the others and were willing to pay even five per cent, 
custom, and that hence it would be foolish to hinder their trade. 
*' Hereupon the old doting nabob replied that they should trade freely, 
80 that now the business being thus determined by the nabob, there is 
no possibility of rooting out or doing any prejudice to the interlopers." 

» Hedges Diary, I, 137-38. 
2 lb., I, 131, 136, 142. 



It was not altogetlier the fault of Hedges that he failed to sup- 
press the interlopers. On arriving in Bengal his attention was almost 
immediately drawn to other matters of greater urgency. He had to 
face another difficulty, which, though it was the characteristic difficulty 
of the time and of the situation, had not been mentioned in his instruc- 
tions, the growing exactions of the native rulers and their subordinates. 
This difficulty, signalised at the beginning of the period by Sir Edward 
Winter, but ignored by the Court, had not on that account disappeared. 
On the contrary it had become more urgent,^ 

It was, as has been seen, one of the congenital defects of the 
system instituted by the Court in 1651 that the security of the trade 
and of its chief centre at Hugli depended entirely upon the good- will 
of the natives of the country. The Court supposed that they would 
not interfere unnecessarily or without reason. And yet nothing was 
more probable. Although the Mogul had at first granted the most 
liberal terms to the Company, his orders were often disregarded by 
his subordinates, and all the privileges conceded might be revoked at 
pleasure. By the letters patent of Shah Shuja', the English in Bengal 
were granted perfect freedom of trade, and this privilege was confirmed 

' For instance see Stewart's Bengal, p. 190. 


by an order made by the nabob Shayista Khan in 1672 at the suit 
of Walter Clavell. But the order was very little observed, and, when 
Shayista Khan left Bengal in 1677, the new nabob Fedai Khan and 
the King's officer Haji Sufi Khan altogether disregarded it. Fortu- 
nately in the very next year Fedai Khan died at Dacca and was 
succeeded by Prince Muhammad A'zam, from whom Vincent in 1678 
procured fresh letters patent freeing their trade.^ The Court, however, 
Were not content with this. They found it very expensive and trouble- 
some to procure a fresh order for freedom of trade from every succeed- 
ing governor. They desired the higher authority of a mandate from 
the Emperor. They had therefore sent with Shayista Khan, when he 
left Beogal, an agent to solicit an imperial grant to settle the matter 
for ever. 

In 1 680 they had their desire. The following rescript was issued 
by Aurangzeb, and was received at Hugli with much feasting and 
rejoicing, processions marching and guns ^ firing on the most lavish 
scale : — " In the name of GOD, Amen. To all present and future 
rulers in Surat that remain in hopes of the Emperor's favour. Be it 
known that at this happy time it is agreed of the English nation 
besides their usual custom of two per cent, for their goods, more 
one and a half per cent, jhyah^ or poll-money, shall be taken. 
Wherefore it is commanded that in the said place^ from the first day 
of Shawwal, in the twenty-third year of our reign of the said people, 
three and a half per cent, of all their goods, on account of custom or 
poll-money, he taken for the future. And at all other places, upon this 
account, let no one molest them for custom, rdh-ddrl, pesh-kash, 
farmdish^ and other matters by the Emperor's Court forbidden, nor 
make any demands in these particulars. Observe. Written on the 
twenty-third day of the month Oaf ar, in the twenty- third year." * 

This document is an historical example of the difficulties and 
dangers which arise from uncertain punctuation. Eead as above, with 
a full stop after " future,^' it would appear that Aurangzeb demarded 
three and a half per cent, on account of custom and poll-tax only from 
the English at Surat, and that in all other places their trade was to 

1 Stewart's Bengal, pp. 190-91. 

2 lb., pp. 194, 195. 

3 Bah-darl — from rah-dar, road-keeper, means transit duty. Peali-Jcash, 
first fruits, came to meaa an ofiering or tribute. Farmaish, means commission for 

* Stewart's Bengal, Appendix, p. 4. 


be absolutely free. This was the English punctuation, but the Indian 
officials did not " stand upon points." If the full stop be removed, and 
placed after and at all other ^ilaces, the sense is altered. At Surat 
and at all other places a tax of three and a half per cent, is to be levied 
on the English. This is how the Indian officials understood the 
matter, and they lost no time in acting according to their understanding. 
Shayista Khan, who returned to Bengal in this very year, at once 
demanded the payment of the poll-tax.^ 

When Hedges reached Hugli in 1682 he found that the general 
trade there was almost at a standstill. On the 9th October, " the 
several affronts, insolences, and abuses dayly put upon us by 
Boolchund, our chief Customer- (causing a general stop of our 
trade), being grown insufferable, ye Agent and Couneell for ye 
Hon'ble E. India Company's affairs at Hugly resolved upon and 
made use of divers expedients for redress of their grievances; but 
all means proving ineffectual 'twas agreed and concluded in con- 
sultation that the only expedient now left was for the Agent to 
go himself in person to the Nabob and Duan at Deeca, as well to 
make some settled adjustment concerning ye customs, as to endeavor 
the preventing Interlopers trading in these parts for ye future; in 
order to which preparations were caused to be made. Mr. Eichard 
Trenchfield and Mr. "William Johnson were appointed to go along 
with ye Agent to Dacca. 'Twas also thought convenient to go by 
ye way of Merdadpore,^ a towne within 4 or 5 hours travell of Cassum- 
bazar, to have ye opportunity to speak and consult with Mr. Chamock, 
and some others of ye CounceU there, what course is best to be taken 
in this exigency." * 

This resolution to appeal to the nabob at Dacca led to a character- 
istic altercation between Hedges and Paramecvar Das, the local 
collector of customs. Ostensibly Paramecvar Das permitted the 
English to start for Dacca. Two barges and a number of small 
boats with provisions were made ready, and the agent, escorted by 
twenty-three Englishmen in soldier's garb and by fifteen Rajputs and 
footmen, proceeded on the evening of the 10th October to the English 
garden to the north of Hugli. But Paramecvar Das had secretly 

> Hedges' Diary, I, 100. 

- Bal Chandra Ray, the Superintendent of Customs at Hugli. 

^ Probably Mirzapur. 

* Hedges' Diary, I, 33. 


sent armed parties to seize the Englisli boats; and so the quarrel 
began. The English lost two boats and tried to recover them by force. 
The myrmidons of Paramecvar Das set upon the English, who were 
afraid to fire their pistols. Both sides negotiated, argued, protested. 
Paramecvar offered liberty to any slaves who should run away from 
the EDglish. He beat and imprisoned as many of the Company's 
footmen and boatmen as he could catch ; or, if he could not catch the 
men themselves, he beat and imprisoned their relations. Hedges went 
on board his sloop to go to Dacca by the route tlirough the Sundar- 
buns, and then on second thoughts returned to his barge. ^ 

After five days spent in disputing, he was reduced to the undignified 
expedient of running away from Hugli by night. On the 1 4th October, 
" resolving now to be abused no more in this manner, I sent all ye laden 
boats before, with Mr. Johnson, to see them make all the haste that 
might be, and not to stop all night. Next to them went the Souldiers 
with ye other Budgero.^ I followed that, and 2 stout fellows, an 
Englishman and a Spaniard, in a light boat came last of all. About 
2 hours within night a boat full of armed men came up very near to 
the Spaniard, who speaking ye language demanded who they were, 
and commanded them to stand ; but those in the boat returning no 
answer, nor regarding what he said, he fired his Musket in the Water, 
at which they fell astern. About an hour after, when we were got up 
as far as Trippany,^ the armed boat came up with ye Spaniard again, 
who commanded them to keep off, otherwise he would now shoot 
amongst them, though he shot at random the time before ; -so the boat 
fell astern, and, perceiving that we resolved not to stay at that place, 
we saw them no more." * 

Hedges followed what was then the usual route to Dacca up the 
Hugli and the Jellinghi into the broad stream of the Ganges, and 

' Hedges' Diary, I, 34 to 37. 

2 A word o£ uncertain derivation denoting a lumbering keel-less barge in use 
on tlie Gangetic rivers. 

3 Triveni, three-fold braid. The name properly belongs to Allahabad, where 
the three holy rivers, the Ganges, the unseen Sarasvati, and the Jamuna, unite. 
Here it denotes the village a little way above the town of Hugli, where the local 
Sarasvati and Jamuna of lower Bengal unite with the river Hugli or Ganges. 
This Triveni has long been a centre of trade and a celebrated place of pilgrimage 
and of Sanskrit learning. South of the village is the mosque of Zafar Kban; 
north of it is a magnificent flight of steps said to have been built by Mukund 
Deo, the great king of Orissa. 

* Hedges Diary, I, 38-39. 


thence by various cross cuts into the Burlganga. In July and August, 
during the time of the great rains, these eastern districts are more 
than half submerged, the familiar land marks disappear, the rivers 
become tempestuous seas over which the boatmen labour, often in 
doubt, sometimes in danger. But in October, when Hedges started for 
Dacca, the rivers, though much deeper than at present, had shrunk to 
their normal size. "With clear skies and cool breezes the voyage was 
pleasant enough. The barges in which Hedges and Johnson travelled 
were of the sort commonly in us9 on the Gangetic rivers, lumbering 
and clumsy to look at, but roomy and comfortable. Two-thirds of 
their length aft was occupied by cabins with Venetian windows in 
which the traveller could sit or recline at ease and watch the varied 
life of the river, the craft plying up and down the stream, the fishers 
dragging their nets, the water-side folk bathing, arguing, chatting, 
praying. At noon they landed and ate their dinner beneath the shade 
of tamarind trees, the home of the peacock and the spotted deer. 
Then, after resting a few hours, they rowed on. In the evening came 
supper, and all night long they were " tracked " or towed from the 
bank, while the boatmen chanted in a minor key weird songs invoking 
the favour of the water-spirits.^ 

On the 20th October Hedges was not far from the junction 
of the Jellinghi with the Ganges. At Kalkapur he was met by 
Charnock and the local Council, with whom he had a short consulta- 

On the 25th October he reached Dacoa.-^ The English factory stood 
in the quarter now occupied by the English officials. It was some way 
from the river, and what were then the chief centres of business and 
power in Dacca. Shayista Khan held his court two miles away in the Lai 
Bagh,-a large red brick fort built to command the river which once washed 
its south face but has since receded some distance from it.^ The only 
old buildings now standing within the enclosure are a ruined mosque 
and the white marble tomb of Bibi Peri, the daughter of Shayista 
Khan, and niece of the lady of the Taj. But from the traces which 
remain, we may well believe that a palace once faced the visitor as 
he entered under the great north portal. Hither came Agent Hedges 

' Hedges Diary, I, 39 to 42. 
- 26., I. 41. 
3 lb., I, 42. 
* lb., I, 43, 44. 


full of hope, to ask that the interlopers might be expelled from the 
country ; that the vexatious proceedings of the Mogul underlings might 
be stopped ; that the Company's servants might no longer be forced 
to pay customs and duties, or that at least they might bo exempted 
for seven months while they laid their case before the Emperor, y It 
seemed that all difficulties were now nearly at an end. Hedges was 
well acquainted with Turkish and Arabic, but he had no knowledge 
of the delays of Indian diplomacy. 

After a month and a half spent in negotiation, Hedges returned 
to Hugli completely satisfied with the results of his mission. *'My 
going to Decca," he said, " has in yo first place got 7 months' time 
for procuring a Phirmaund ; 2ndly, taken off wholly ye Pretence 
of 5 per cent. Custome on all Treasure imported this and ye 
three preceeding years, besides IJ per cent, of what [was] usually 
paid, at ye mint for some years past; 3rdly, procured ye general 
stop to be taken off all our trade, our Goods now passing as freely 
as ever they did formerly ; 4thly, got a command to turn Per- 
mesuradass out of his place, and restore ye money forced from us ; 
5thly, and last, prevailed with ye Nabob to undertake ye procuring 

a Phirmaund for us from ye King If God gives me life to get 

this Phirmaund into my possession ye Hon'ble Company shall never 
more be troubled with Interlopers. I bless God for this great success 
I have had, beyond all men's expectations, in my voyage to Dacca." ^ 

Such were the bright hopes entertained by Agent Hedges. It 
would be cruel to dwell on the story of his disillusionment. Suffice it 
to say that his voyage to Dacca had practically effected nothing. The 
quarrel between the English and the native officials continued. Again 
and again Balchandra made every profession of respect and good- 
will, and then through his subordinate, Parame^var Das stopped 
the Company's boats and seized their goods.^ Nothing could be done 
without bribes, and yet it was in vain that Hedges offered large 
sums of money to be excused payment of the custom. The Mogul 
government refused to waive its claims, and in the end Hedges* 
successor had to admit them.^ 

* Hedges' Diary, I, 62. 

* For instance aee Hedges' Diary, I, 59, 60, and 63. 
' Hedges Diary, I, 172. 



Meanwhile Hedges returned to Hugli, elated with his supposed 
successes, and proceeded to reform the Bengal establishments in a way 
which led to the confusion of everything and everybody, including 
himself. The Commission which made Hedges Governor, associated six 
others with him in the Council of the Bay, Job Charnock, John Beard, 
John Eichards, Francis Ellis, Joseph Dodd, and William Johnson. 
A wise and judicious Governor on coming out to Bengal would have 
done his best to conciliate the other members of the Council, and above 
all to gain the co-operation of Job Charnock, the second in the Council, 
who represented the traditions and experience of the place. With a 
little tact Hedges might have made a friend of Charnock, for, as will be 
seen, they agreed on many important points. But Hedges did nothing 
of the sort. Far from consulting with the senior merchants associated 
with him in the Council of the Bay, he regarded them with distrust, and 
lent a vrilling ear to the stories of informers, whose interest it was to 
foment disputes between the English. While at Dacca he had listened 
to scandal about Job Chamock's private character,^ and he returned 
to Hugli full of suspicions. He had actually stooped to employ 
young Mr. Johnson as a kind of spy, and directed him to mix 
with the interlopers and find out their associates. In this way he 

' Hedges' Diary, I, 52. 

G 2 


hoped to detect the Company's enemies. What he really did was to 
set all the English in Bengal against himself. From the lowest to 
the highest every one cpmplained of the proceedings of the agent, and 
they took care that their complaints should reach the ears of the Court. 
In January, 1683, Hedges went to Balasor to despatch the Defence and 
the Society to England. Each ship carried a bundle of letters against 
the agent. One of them, written by Beard, was somehow seen by 
the spy Johnson, who " communicated " it to his chief.^ The letter, 
it seems, contained a virulent attack on the Agent and his wife. " It is 
stuffed up," says Hedges, " with such notorious falsities that I stand 
amazed that such a professor of religion and honesty ^ should be the 
author of it, having played the hypocrite and dissembled so handsomely 
with me, professing so great kindness, respect, and affection to me that 
I can scarce believe my own eyes when I read it. I see he has written 
against me by the Williamson and Nathaniel on the 20th ultimo. Let 
the event of it be what it will, I cannot help it. God's will be done. 
I see the Company are apt to believe and credit every rascal upon his 
own bare information. God knows I have never had the least quarrel 
or difiPerence with Mr. Beard in all my life. Nor has there been any 
conspiring or caballing against him, as he has declared. I cannot run 
through every particular, not having time to give it an answer. But, 
God willing, when your son [i.e., William Johnson] and I return to 
Hugly we will call Mr. Beard to a public examination, and make no 
question but he will most readily and willingly acknowledge his fault 
and make a public recantation. And therefore I am of opinion His not 
good to deliver the letter till we send home his recantation or our pro- 
ceedings upon it." ^ 

In other words. Hedges took upon himself to detain a private letter 
vmtten by the third member of the Conucil to Sir Josiah Child, the 
Governor of the Company. The act was foolish, if not dishonest ; but 
Hedges was hard-pressed, and, like many others before him, justified 
his action on the ground of public utility. 

The only step which Hedges could now take to put himself right 
in the eyes of his fellow-men was to carry out his resolution to openly 
tax Beard with his letter, and call upon him to retract his accusations. 
But Hedges had not the strength to adhere to his resolution. On 
his return to Hugli, instead of attacking Beard, he turned upon Ellis. 

' Hedges Diary, II, 18-19, 48-44. 

2 John Beard, senior, was a Presbyterian. 

» Hedges' Diary, II, 42, 43. 

hedges' reforming zeal. 85 

On the 26th March, " information," says the diary, " was brought in 
against Mr. Francis Ellis by most of the Merchants in Hugly ; that 
he, the said Ellis, had taken bribes to the value of four thousand 
rupees or thereabouts, to pass the Hon'ble Company's goods in the 
Shipping, part of which was positively proved against him, and nine 
hundred rupees being confessed by him, it was thereupon ordered that 
he be dismissed the Hon'ble Company's Service, and that Mr. Joseph 
Dodd forthwith take the charge of the warehouse upon him, and that 
the money which shall be proved to be taken by the said Ellis to pass the 
Hon'ble Company's goods shall be endeavoured to be secured for the 
Hon'ble Company's use." ^ 

A fortnight after this Hedges' zeal for reform took him on a 
second visit to Cassimbazar. "William Johnson had informed Hedges 
that the principal factor of the interlopers for procuring their raw silk 
and taffetas at Cassimbazar was Mr. Naylor, a dyer in the employ of 
the Company, and that it was more than probable that Job Chamock 
was a confederate. On the 16th April Hedges "called a consultation 
and accused Mr. Naylor of trading with interlopers, which being proved 
by three letters under his own hand, he was judged guilty by all 
present. His person, his papers and goods [were] ordered to be 
seized to see whether we could find further testimony out of his own 
books and writings." - 

On the next day Hedges dealt out justice to James Harding. The 
man had come out to ludia as as a writer in 1671, but had been 
subsequently dismissed from the Company's service. He was now in 
the private service of Job Charnock. The members of the factory 
complained against him as a person notoriously scandalous in life and 
conversation, and Hedges " ordered him not to eat at the Company's 
table, and reproved Mr. Charnock for entertaining so vicious a person." 
To which Charnock said little or nothing. " I was also informed," says 
Hedges, "of one Ananta Ram,^ the same person who slippered the 
merchant who poisoned himself in the time of Mr. Vincent, beino- em- 
ployed by Mr. Charnock in all the Company's affairs. "Which Mr. 
Charnock positively denying, I brought the said Ananta Ram to confess 
and affirm he had done all the business of concernment in the factory 
ever since the first month after Mr. Charnock's coming to be chief."* 

' Sedqes' Diary, I, 72. 

- Ih., 1, 77. 

' For Anantaram, see anie, page 55. 

* Hedges Diary, I, 78. 


The next persons to fall under suspicion with Hedges were Richard 
Barker and John Threder, the second and third of the Council of 
Cassimbazar. A great number of silk merchants and weavers com- 
plained that they " took from them four or five tolahs upon a seer 
overweight on all their silk brought into the warehouse, besides one 
or two of the best skeins of silk that was weighed in every draught. 
Which amounting to a very considerable sum of money, they demanded 
satisfaction. Threder and Barker positively denying the overweight, 
the merchants proved it by their books; but the skein out of every 
draught was confessed and claimed as their due, having always been 
their custom." ^ In consequence of these suspicions, Barker and Threder 
desired to be removed from Cassimbazar to some other factory. Their 
request was granted, but they remained at Cassimbazar .^ In fact, 
Hedges seems to have been afraid to take measures against them. 

Much less did he dare to attack Charnock and Beard, the second and 
third in the Council of the Bay. Page after page of his diary is filled 
with secret complaints and innuendoes, but he never ventures to bring 
any formal accusation against them. At the same time, he wondered 
why Mr. Charnock was so cross with him, thwarting everything he 
proposed or did, and he was exceedingly troubled that the Company's 
servants in the several factories were all in general so unkind and dis- 
respectful to him, more than to Agent Master, who was nothing near so 
respectful and civil to them.^ 

In attempting to suspend another of the Company's servants at 
Casimbazar, Hedges came to an open rupture with the Council of 
the Bay. James Watson was a quarrelsome man, who had been 
warned that he might chance to be sent for by the Agent and Council 
at Hugli to answer for his abusive language. In a moment of passion 
he had replied " that if he were sent for he questioned whether he should 
come down or not, for he had no dependence on them, he being placed 
there by the Company as much as the Agent and Council in Hugli and 
so [it was] not in their power to.remove him." For this heinous crime 
Hedges wished that Watson should be suspended from the Company's 
service till such time as answer should be sent out from England.'* 

This was more than the other merchants could bear. The Council at 
Cassimbazar told the Agent that Ellis, being one of the Hugli Council, 

' Hedges' Diary, 1, 83. 

2 11^^ i^ g4.85, 93. 

3 lb., I, 102, 107. 

" lb., I, 108 to 115. 


could not be dismissed, but only suspended ; and that to suspend 
Mr. Watson was altogether opposed to the Company's orders. The 
government of the establishment in Bengal belonged to the Council of 
the Bay, " which ought to be annually called, as hath been the custom 
of former chiefs till now of late, which consists of all chiefs of the 
subordinate factories or as many of them as can be spared, and this used 
to be in the most commodious season, which is just after the departure 
of the shipping."^ 

Hedges had now lost all control over his subordinates. Good order 
and good discipline were at an end. Throughout all the establish- 
ments in Bengal no one feared Hedges, and hardly any liked him. 
Ellis, who had been dismissed by the agent from the Company's 
service, went about openly bragging of his influence with the Court 
at home. "You shall see," he said, "what a man I shall be in 
nine months' time. I shall be above them all."^ Another talked 
mysteriously of his private instructions from the Company and 
some great men of the Committee, and protested that he re- 
garded nothing that was written him from Hugli.^ Above all, Job 
Chamock was Hedges' bitter opponent. He boasted constantly that no 
chief had ever been able to contend against him, and confidently 
declared at the beginning of 1684 that the obnoxious agent would be 
given his mittimus by that year's shipping.* And Job Chamock was 
right. On the 17th July, Hedges was advised by Mr. How, the com- 
mander of the Company's ship Thomas, newly returned from Fort St. 
George, that he was dismissed the Company's service, that Mr. Beard 
was made agent in his place, and that Gifford was to be President of 
the coast of Coromandel and the Bay.* Thus Bengal was again made 
subordinate to Madras. 

On the 30th August President Gifford reached Hugli. He was a 
narrow-minded man and a fit instrument of the Court at home. He 
had abeady been used to displace Streynsham Master at Madras and 
undo his work. He was now sent to degrade poor Hedges, He lost 
no time in setting about the business. " About half an hour after the 
President's arrival in Hugli Factory," says Hedges, "he called me, 
Mr. Beard, Mr. Francis Ellis, Mr. Eichard Trenchfield, Mr. Thomas Ley, 

' Hedges' Diary, I, 111, 124 to 127. 
' lb., 1, 107. 
' lb., 1, 129. 

* lb., 1, 146. 

• lb., I, 152. 


and Mr. Eichard Gough into the counting bouse to hear his commis- 
sion read. Which being done by John Stables, his Secretary, I 
■wished His Honour much joy with the rest of the Company, assuring 
them I did readily and willingly submit to the Company's pleasure. 
To which the President made no other reply but, * 'Twas very well.' 
The Secretary showed me the seal to the commission, telling me 'twas 
the Company's. I replied *I made no doubt of it.' " ^ 

GifEord was not fit to do anything except undo other men's work. 
He paid a visit to Cassimbazar in October and, after spending altogether 
about three months in Bengal, left matters in a worse state of confusion 
than he found them.^ Agent Beard, under whose direction the afPairs of 
the Bay now passed, was a feeble man, no better able to cope with the 
growing difficulties of the time. It is said that the troubles and 
disputes between the local officials and the English, which reached an 
acute stage in 1685, brought on a fatal illness. On the 28th August 
John Beard died at Hugli, crushed beneath the load of anxiety and 
responsibility which he had rashly taken upon him, but was quite 
unable to support.^ 

The story of Hedges's agency has been written for us in great detail 
in the pages of his diary from which we gain a contemporary picture 
of the establishments in the Bay, together with a self-painted portrait 
of an honest but weak-minded man. Though most of his efforts failed, 
he may fairly lay claim to one great success. He may fairly claim to 
have convinced the Court that a fortified settlement was necessary in 

Hedges seems to me typical in the development of his views. 
Like his countrymen he came to Bengal as a simple merchant 
anxious to protect the English trade beneath official treaties and agree- 
ments. Experience soon showed that treaties and agreements were 
of no avail against the lawlessness of the local officials. Threats and 
demonstrations of force were useless. It was not that the Mogul 
government would not protect the foreign merchants against oppression 

* Hedges' Diary ^ I, 157-58. 

2 25,1,171. 

3 lb., II, 103-101 


and wrong. It could not. Whatever control it had, it was gradually 
losing. Like Shayista Khan, it was in its old age. Hedges was thus 
forced to the inevitable conclusion. We must protect ourselves ; we 
must break with the Indian government j we must seize some con- 
venient post and fortify it. 

This idea entered Hedges's mind a few months after his arrival. He 
explained it to the Company at home He repeats it more than once in 
his diary. Custom, he says, must not be paid. The Company's affairs 
will never be better, but always grow Torse and worse with contiaual 
patching. We must resolve to quarrel with these people, and build a 
fort on the island Saugor at the mouth of the river, and run the hazard 
of losing one year's trade in the Bay, in a quarter of which time there 
is no fear of bringing these people to our conditions.^ 

Later on it appears that these opinions are shared by GiSord and 
Chamock, who discussed the whole question at Cassimbazar in October, 
1684. "But," according to our diarist, "Mr. Beard, Mr. Ellis, 
Mr. Trenchfield, and Mr. Ley for their own private interest and 
regard, to carry on their little trade in the country, being persuaded to 
this opinion by Mr. Evans, the Minister, declared themselves of a 
contrary judgment and would not consent to it."- 

At first the Court were not prepared to accept the idea. In 
the despatches of the 21st December, 1683, in which they ordered the 
dismissal of Hedges, they discussed at length the view of " our late 
agent and some of our captains, that there is no way to mend our 
condition but by seizing and fortifying one of those pleasant islands 
in the Ganges about the Braces." To this proposal they had many 
objections. It would be too expensive. It would enrage the Mogul, 
who would be assisted by the Dutch. It would be better to attack the 
Mogul from Bombay, or, if you must begin a war in Bengal, then why 
not take Chittagong ? Not that the Court could encourage such a 
project, though they were not quite sure that it would not be proper to 
seize Balehandra and Paramecvar Dass, to stop the Mogul's salt-vessels, 
and make an armed demonstration. But in spite of all objections, the 
idea gradually took hold of the English mind at home as in Bengal ; 
and year after year the Court recurred to the scheme of getting posses- 
sion of Chittagong.^ 

» Hedges Diary, I, 117, 121, 133, 139. 

2 lb., I. 161, 165. 

3 lb., II, 22 to 24. 


In the end the Court resolved to break with the Mogul. They ob- 
tained from James II. permission to retaliate their injuries and reim- 
burse themselves for the loss of their privileges by hostilities against 
Sbayista Khan and Aurangzeb ; and in 1686 commenced a vigorous 
attack upon both sides of the Indian peninsula. Orders "were sent to 
the Governor of Bombay to withdraw from Surat and the other ports 
on the west coast, and to direct his cruisers to seize every Mogul ship 
and vessel that could be met with. To commence hostilities in the Bay 
of Bengal, they sent thither the largest force which they had yet dis- 
played in Indian seas. The fleet was to sail to Balasor, and there take 
on board the agent and the principal men of the Council of the Bay. 
An ultimatum was to be sent to the nabob at Dacca, and if, as was 
probable, no satisfactory answer was received, the bulk of tlie force was 
to proceed to Chittagong. Here, " after summons, if the Fort, 
Town, and Territory thereunto belonging be not forthwith delivered 
to our Lieutenant-Colonel Job Charnock, we would have our forces 
land, seize and take the said Town, Fort, and Territory by force of 
arms." The place, when captured, is to be made "as the art and inven- 
tion of man can extend to," and Job Charnock was to be " Governor of 
our Fort, Town, and Territory of Chyttegam." ^ 

* Hedges' Diaryf II, 51 to 53. 




OcTOBKB 1686 TO Febbuaet 1687. 

We have now reached the third stage of the English advance into 
Bengal. It is the necessary outcome of the first two. The first 
period put forward the poHcy of entirely peaceful industry. The 
second exhibited the opposition between this policy and the policy of 
force and retaliation. The third period gives us their reconciliation. 

Already a policy has been found in which both militarism and 
industrialism are combined. The Court in its last despatches has 
decided to establish a fortified station in Bengal to maintain its trade 
there. The question at issue is the site of this station. Industri- 
alism would have been content to remain at Hugli, militarism demanded 


the violent seizure of Chittagong, tlie former seat of piratical hordes, 
and now an important Mogul city. But the English have to find a 
place where both principles may be satisfied. 

Convinced that a fortified settlement is their only adequate safe- 
guard, they have to fix on the best site for it. This they do, not by any 
immediate intuition, nor by mere haphazard as fancy strikes them, but, 
after many experiments, many attempts to settle at different points on 
the river Hugli. The man who conducted them through their strange 
experiences safe to the goal, and to whom consequently belongs the 
glory of having laid the foundation-stone of British India, was Job 
Charnock, one of whom historians and biographers have been slow to 
take notice, but who, as the father of Calcutta, certainly deserves better 

Job Charnock came out to India in 1655 or 1656.^ He first 
appears in the records as Junior Member of the Council of Cassimbazar. 
We read in a nominal roll of that factory entered in the Court Books 
under the date 12th — 13th January, 1658 : Job Gharnock^ Fourth^ Salarij 
20 £. From Cassimbazar he was transferred to Patna. His original 
engagement was for five years, and a memorial of his, dated the 23rd 
February, 1664, shows that he had intended to return to England at the 
expiration of the covenanted period, but was willing to remain if 
appointed chief of the Patna factory. The appointment was given him, 
and in it he continued till 1680.^ 

It was at Patna that Charnock learned to understand the Indian ways 
of thought and action, and to estimate the forces with which he had 
subsequently to contend. He married an Indian wife, adopted many 
of the local manners and customs ; he is even said to have adopted some 
of the local superstitions and to have been in the habit of worshipping 
the Five Saints with the sacrifice of a cock after the manner of the 

^ Nothing has yet been discovered regarding the birth, parentage, and early 
life of Job Charnock. Of his Indian wife we have various gossiping stories. 
He is said to have rescued her from the funeral pyre, and married her before, 
or about, 1678. The Charnock mausoleum is still standing in St. John's Church- 
yard. It was built about 1697, by Charles Eyre. (See Hyde in the Proceedings 
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, March 1893.) In it Charnock and his wife are 
said to have been buried, but the inscription on the original tombstone only 
mentions Job. Lower down on the same stone is an inscription to the memory 
of Mary, eldest daughter of Charnock, and wife of Eyre, who died 1697. On 
another stone in the mausoleum is an inscription to Job's youngest daughter, 
Catherine, wife of Jonathan White, who died in 1701, and, as appears from White's 
will, was buried in the mausoleum. A third daughter of Job, Elizabeth, survived 
in Calcutta till 1753. She married William Bowridge, who died in 1724. (See 
Hyde on the Bengal Chaplaincy in the Indian Church Quarterly Beview for 

* Hedges Diary, II, 45, 46. 


people of Bihar.^ He had ample experience of the exactions of the 
local officials when left to do as they liked, uncontrolled by their 
superiors. In 1672, owing to the supineness of a bookish Nabob, one 
Ibrahim Khan, the saltpetre trade at Patna was almost ruined.^ He 
knew the futility of negotiations with the Court of Delhi, for he had 
sent political agents there to little purpose. As early as 1678 he had 
discovered that an Imperial grant would be after all no protection 
to the English trade. Had Shah Jahan been king, he said, an 
agreement with him would have had great force. But it was otherwise 
with Aurangzeb. His orders were little accounted of by the local 
governors.^ Thus when others were still impressed with the seeming 
greatness of the Mogul Empire, Charnock had already discerned its 

The ability of the man could not be overlooked by his employers, 
and they seem to have greatly relied on him in their dealings with the 
Indian Government. In 1671 an order of the Court increases his salary 
to £40 a year. In 1675 they give him an additional £20 a year 
as a gratuity. In 1680, after giving repeated orders on the subject, the 
Court established Charnock as chief of the Cassimbazar factory and 
second in the Council of the Bay, with the right of succeeding Vincent 
as chief of the Bay. Nevertheless Charnock did not succeed Vincent, 
but was twice superseded, first by Hedges and then by Beard.^ 

1 Hedges Diary, 11, 90, 91. — The story is told by Alexander Hamilton, who 
says that Charnock, instead of converting his wife to Christianity, was conrerted 
by her to Paganism. " The only part of Christianity that was remarkable in him 
was burying her decently ; and he built a tomb over her, where all his life after 
her death he kept the anniversary day by sacrificing a cock on her tomb, after the 
Pagan manner." This story, told by an enemy of the Company and its serrants, 
should be taken with many grains of salt. It is rejected altogether by Sir H. 
Yule, because the sacrifice of a cock is not Hindu. But Dr. Wise {Journal of the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal, Volume LXIII, Part III, No. 1, 1894) tells us that 
the sacrifice of a cock is part of the worship of the Punch Pir, or Five Saints, 
in Bihar, a cult, which though primarily confined to low-class Muhammadans, 
is dso there adopted by Hindus. Who the Punch Pir are no one exactly 
knows, bet tbey are powerful protectors of their devotees. Dr. Wise teUs us a 
Tery interesting story of an Englishman in East Bengal who was known as the 
Punch P'lriyd QCihib, "it being said that his parents losing one child after 
another were advised by a favourite servant to consecrate the nest to the Punch 
Pir, and by so doing preserve him. They followed this advice, and were grati- 
fied to find their son grow up strong and healthy. Hindus always quote this as 
an instance of the benefits accruing to those who beUeve in the Punch Pir." 

^ Hedges' Diary, II, 45. 

' 2b., n, 46. 

* lb., II, 46 to 49. 


While at Oassimbazar Charnock learnt a second lesson. He had 
seen that treaties could not protect the English trade; he now saw 
that a fortified station would. Charnock, Hedges, and Grifford, in spite 
of many differences, agreed in this. The idea was not the discovery 
of an individual mind; it was the common thought of the English 
in Bengal.^ 

As in Patna, so in Oassimhazar, Charnock at length came into 
conflict with the local government. Even before Hedges had left 
Bengal, it appears from his diary that the native merchants and 
dealers employed in the business of the Cassimbazar factory had 
made a large claim against Charnock and his colleagues there, which 
the judge of the place had decided against the English to the amount 
of Es. 43,000. The judgment was supported by Shayista Khan, 
who, in default of payment, formally summoned Charnock to appear 
before him at Dacca. Charnock refused, and many attempts were 
made, both at Cassimbazar and at Dacca, to get the decision 
modified. It was little short of open war between Charnock and the 
nabob. All communications with the Cassimbazar factory were 
cut o£E, and at the time of Agent Beard's death the place was watched 
by troops to prevent Charnock's escape. In April, 1686, however, he 
managed to give his enemies the slip, and reached Hugli, where he 
at once assumed the chief direction of the English affairs. Here 
he received the news that the Court had resolved on war, and had 
despatched a great expeditionary force against the Mogul.^ 

The squadron designed for Bengal had consisted of six ships, carry- 
ing as many companies of soldiers : but only half that number reached 
their destination. They were the Beaufort^ with seventy guns and 
three hundred seamen, commanded by John Nicholson ; the Nathaniel, 
with fifty guns and a hundred and fifty seamen, commanded by John 
Mason ; and the Rochester^ with sixty-five guns. To each of these men- 
of-war was attached a frigate or light- vessel built for speed, armed 
with twelve guns and manned witli twenty seamen. Besides these, the 
Company already had in the Ganges a number of sloops and river- 
craft, and orders had been given that all the vessels available at 
Madras should be sent on to Bengal. Nicholson was appointed 
Admiral, and Mason Yice- Admiral.^ 

^ See above p. 89. 

2 Hedges' Diary, II, 63. 

8 lb., II, 52. 


The land forces placed at the disposal of Chamock were, like the 
fleet, very miscellaneous. The men ordinarily employed at this time to 
defend the Company's factories and trade were Rajputs or other 
natives of India, who retained their own dress and customs, organis- 
ation, and officers. But the English could not rely on them in an 
attack upon the Mogul. Other soldiers were Native Christians or 
Portuguese, whom the English thought " very sorry fellows." They 
dressed like Europeans, and had learnt the manual exercise and the 
parade drill of European troops. Lastly, there were the English soldiers 
sent out hy the Court. Usually they were very few in number, and were 
consequently united with the Portuguese in the same company. But 
on the present occasion their numbers had been greatly increased, and, 
although one of the ships sent was lost and two others were not able to 
make their passage, at least three, if not four, companies of English 
soldiers must have in the end reached Bengal.^ According to custom, 
the Court sent out with the troops Lieutenants, Ensigns, and inferior 
officers. But the commanding officers were to be the Company's 
servants in Bengal, Agent Chamock becoming Colonel, the second 
in the Bay Lieutenant-Colonel, the third Major, and so on.^ In fact 
the Court appear to have anticipated the views of Lord Wolseley, 
and to have fully understood "that no one can conduct a campaign 
or administer an army successfully who is not a thoroughly good 
man of business." 

The English troops reached Bengal by driblets towards the end of 
the year 1686. The Rochester and her frigate, having been despatched 
earlier than the rest, were also the first to arrive. They brought a 
company of a hundred and eight men, who were sent up the river in 

1 Sedges' Diary, Jl, 54, 58. — These English and Portuguese companies were 
presumably formed after the model of the troops of James II. Each company 
numbered from one hundred and ten to one hundred and twenty men. The uniform 
of the soldiers was red. trimmed with blue; their arms were the sword and the 
firelock gun. Over the left shoulder they wore the bandoleer, a leather belt on 
which were suspended the bullet bag, the primer and a number of little copper 
cylinders, each containing one charge. Some of the men, or perhaps all, may 
liave been furnished with the great knife or bayonet, which was then coming into 
use, and which was attached to a wooden haft and screwed into the muzzle of 
your gan, so that you could never fire when your bayonet was fixed. The 
sergeants carried a halberd ; the oflScers a half-pike seven feet long. The men 
were ranged in four ranks, with an interval of twelve feet between them in open 
order. The officers took post according to seniority in front of the line ; but 
before the charge was given or received they retixed among the men of the first 
rank, and the interval between the ranks was reduced to three feet. 

- lb., II, 52. 


small vessels. The Beaufort and her frigate arrived later with some 
two hundred men. The total number of the Company's soldiers at 
Hugli — Indian, Portuguese, and English all told — amounted to less 
than four hundred men.^ They were quartered, some in the town, and 
some at Chandannagar, three miles lower down the river.^ 

These preparations, though not very extensive, were enough to alarm 
the country. By order of the Nabob, three thousand foot and three 
hundred horse were concentrated at Hugli to guard the town. Under 
their protection, the governor, 'Abdu-1 Gani, became more and more 
threatening. He raised a battery of eleven guns to command the English 
shipping in the " hole " or harbour. He refused all necessaries for trade. 
He even forbad the English to buy victiials in the market, and 
prohibited the soldiers from resorting thither. This last order brought 
on the skirmish at Hugli.^ 

On the 28th October three English soldiers, going in the morning 
as usual -into the market, were not only refused victuals, but were 
violently set upon by the Governor's guards, beaten, cut, bound, and 
carried away prisoners to 'Abdu-1 Gani. The news flew apace through 
the town, and it was reported that two Englishmen were lying desperate- 
ly wounded in the highway. On this Captain Leslie was ordered to 
sally out from the factory with a company of soldiers and bring back the 
bodies, dead or alive. The attempted rescue was actively opposed. The 
enemy fell at once upon the advancing company with horse and foot, 
and, when forced to retire with the loss of seven men, killed or wounded, 
invoked the aid of the fiery element itself to destroy the foreigners, or 
at least bar their further progress. In a short time all the thatched 
hovels which surrounded the English quarters were in a blaze, and 
the factory was encircled with a broad band of flame. At the same 
time the newly raised battery opened fire on the ships in the " hole." * 

Matters now began to look serious. The English troops quartered 
at Chandannagar were immediately ordered up to Hugli. Mean- 
while a detachment under Captain Richardson was sent out to 
attack the battery, but unable to face the hot fire of the enemy, they 
were compelled to fall back with loss. Luckily by this time the re- 
inforcements from Chandannagar had arrived, and Captain Arbuthnot, 
advancing at the head of a fresh body of troops, assaulted the battery, 

' Hedges' Diary, II, 54, 58. 
2 lb., If, 55. 
=* Ih., II, 54. 
* lb., II, 54. 



Sc^Ue^: ] Mile, = 6 Irxah^s 


took it, aud spiked and dismounted all the guns. So fierce was his 
onset, that he carried the battle on beyond the governor's house, 
burning and driving all before him. The governor himself, it is said, 
fled in disguise by water, leaving Hugli panic-stricken. To com- 
plete the enemy's discomfiture, the river-craft were ordered to open 
fire on the town, but the wind and tide being contrary, caused delay. 
Towards evening, however, the ketches and sloops came abreast of the 
place, took a ship of the Mogul's, " and kept firing and battering most 
part of that night and next day, and making frequent sallies on shore, 
burning and plundering all they met with." ^ 

The skirmish was over, and the advantage remained decidedly 
with the English. Captain Arbuthnot was the hero of the fight, and 
it is pleasant to find that the gallant soldier received from the Court a 
gold chain and medal in recognition of his services.^ The English 
loss was trifling. One man had been killed and a good many 
wounded in the first attempt on the battery, and one of the men first 
attacked in the market died within three days. The old factory, 
with some of the Company's saltpetre and a good deal of private 
property, had been consumed in the conflagration. The enemy on their 
side lost about sixty men killed, including three men of note, 
and a great number wounded. Four or five hundred of their houses 
had been burnt down, together with a great number of barges, 
lighters, and boats.^ 

Under these circumstances the governor of Hugli, through the in- 
tervention of the Dutch, entered into negotiations for peace. Hq was 
alarmed at the vigour and success of the English and wished to gain time. 
He therefore demanded a cessation of arms. To Chamock the proposal 
was most opportune. For the past six months he had been preparing 
to quit Hugli, but owing to the diflBculty of bringing away the 
Company's saltpetre, besides all the Company's servants and large 
stores of goods of all kinds, had not yet been able to carry out 
his intentions. He had been more than once disappointed in his 
efforts to secure ships for the cargo. Some of the local vessels were 
lost ; others proved to be wonn-eaten. Of the ships sent out from 
England, the Beaufort was the next to arrive after the Rochester ; but 
she was so leaky, that Admiral Nicholson had to take her into the 
Hijili river to be careened. Of the rest of the squadron Chamock had 

* Hedges' Diary, II, 55. 
» lb., II, 295. 
' Ih., II, 55. 


received no tidings. The English therefore agreed to the cessation of 
arms proposed by the governor, on condition that he would allow them 
to supply themselves with victuals, servants, and labourers as usual, and 
for the present, while the saltpetre was being packed, they strove to be 
peaceable. This did not, however, prevent them from seizing a ship 
of the nabob's at the mouth of the river and sending Nicholson down 
with orders to seize three more in the Balasor road. Nor did it 
prevent them from entering into negotiations with a local magnate, 
the owner of the country adjoining the island of Hijili at the mouth 
of the Hugli, who was in open war with the Muhammadan govern- 
ment, and who offered to provide them with men, provisions, and all 
things necessary to establish a fort and factories in his territory. 
Hither they intended to retire as soon as the saltpetre was shipped, 
after first making an armed demonstration and seizing some of the 
chief citizens of Hugli for the ransom of the Company's servants left 
in the outstations in Bengal.^ 

So the English proposed, but the nabob had very different pur- 
poses. Whatever Charnock might think, Shayista Kian was not a 
man to be trifled with. As soon as he heard of the skirmish at Hugli, 
he sent to Patua to seize on all the Company's property there and 
imprison their servants. At Dacca he would have also imprisoned. 
Watts, but that Baramal, a friendly Hindu, interposed. Large 
detachments of horse were ordered to Hugli. The nabob was re- 
solved to crush the English and force them to submit to his wishes. 
Meanwhile the Dutch, who had been at variance with the local 
government, were reinstated at Baranagar.^ 

For nearly two months after the "eruption" did the English 
remain at Hugli, packing saltpetre, negotiating with the governor, 
and hoping to procure an Imperial rescript or at least an order from 
the nabob redressing their grievances. It was not till the 20th 
December that they withdrew from the place, bringing off all the 
Company's concerns and their own. Their coming off was peace- 
able, and in their opinion " no less honorable, having continued the 
cessation of arms on both sides hitherto, for conveniency of get- 
ting off the Eight Hon'ble Company's estate, and not without hope 
of some accommodation of the differences." ^ 

> Hedges Diary, II, 56 to 68. 

2 lb., II, 65 to 68. 

3 Ih , II, 59, 60. 


And, now, what was Chamock going to do after leaving Hugli ? 
Would he follow the plan of action laid down for hhn by the Cuurt? 
Would he assemble his armament at Balasor, arrest all the Mogul's 
vessels, and then proceed to Chittagong to take it by storm ? Or would 
he carry out his professed intentions ? Would he stop at Hijili and 
join forces with the local magnate there ? He did neither. On his way 
down the river he halted at Sutanutl, a village which has since grown 
into the northern quarter of Calcutta, and there spent the Christmas 
of 1686. He still hoped for peace ; he still negotiated. By the end 
of December, Watts, accompanied by Baramal arrived at Sutanuti 
from Dacca. Baramal had powers to accommodate, and through him 
Charnock sent up his demands to Shayista Khan. He asked that the 
English should have a sufficient quantity of ground to build a fort on, 
that they might there have a mint, and be henceforth allowed to 
trade custom-free. He asked that the nabob should rebuild the factory 
at Malda, which had been destroyed, restore all the money which he 
had taken, and help the English to recover their debts. The nabob 
in reply appointed as his commissioners Baramal and two others, and 
allowed them to treat for peace. In three days they agreed upon 
twelve articles formulating the English demands. On the 11th 
January the articles were signed and sealed, and transmitted to the 
nabob for confirmation. Charnock also required that they should be 
ratified by Aurangzeb himself, and on the 28th January he was 
actually told that the nabob approved of the articles and had sent them 
to the King for confirmation. 

It is difficult to know whether the old agent had so forgotten his 
political experiences at Patna as to seriously believe in all these fair 
speeches. If he did, he greatly overestimated the strength of his posi- 
tion. Shayista Khan was not in the least frightened by the skirmish 
at Hugli. He merely wished to gain time. After waiting more than 
three weeks, he returned the articles unsigned, threatened the English 
for daring to make such demands and the commissioners for listening to 
them, and issued orders to the subordinate governors throughout the 
province to levy all the forces they could get together and drive the 
English out of Bengal never to return. 

On all sides the country was in arms. The time for negotiation was 
past. Nothing remained but to fight. On the 9th February the 
English burnt down the King's salt-houses. On the 11th they 
assaulted and took the forts at Thana, or Garden Keach, *' with the loss 
only of one man's leg and some wounded." The forts were considered 

H 2 


too far up the country to be tenable ; and so, while Charnock was 
demolishing them, Captain Nicholson was sent down the river with 
half the fleet and forces to take possession of the island of Uijili.^ 

When historical personages or historical events strike the popular 
imagination, it is never content to hand down to posterity the bare truth 
about them. It magnifies every detail and adds wonders of its own 
creation. The person becomes a national hero ; the event a national 
calamity, supernatural powers being introduced to aid in its progress. 
That Priam, Agamemnon, and the swift-footed Achillas were real men, 
who lived in some dim prehistoric age, is highly probable. That in 
this age a war took place in Asia Minor, and that one of the incidents of 
the war was the siege of some strong town in the Troad, built either at 
Hissarlik or on the Bali Dagh above Bunarbashi, is certain. But the 
siege became legend, and the legend poetry, and now all the labours of 
an Euhemerus and a Thucydides, of a Curtius and a Schliemann, will 
never recover the substratum of truth underlying the glorious fiction of 
Homer. For us Achilles will ever be the son of a divine mother, the 
hero mighty for good or evil ; Agamemnon will ever be the stately ruler, 
swaying aU the hosts of the Greeks with a God-given sceptre ; Priam 
the old kind father, whose length of days and abundance of children 
were turned from blessings into curses. For us there can be no other 
Troy than the familiar windy city, with broad streets and beetling acro- 
polis, whose walls were built by Apollo and Poseidon. So, too, the per- 
sonality and career of the great Emperor Charles have passed into the 
regions of legend and romance, although fortunately in his case 
written records remain which leave no doubt as to the actual history. 
We know from Eginhard that the Emperor conducted a victorious 
expedition into Spain. We know that on his return the difficulties 
which he experienced in recrossing the Pyrenees led him to unduly 
prolong his line of march. We know that on the 15th August 778, 
when the rear guard was entangled in the valley of Roncesvalles, too 
far from the van to be succoured in time, the mountaineers rushing from 
their ambushes fell upon the Franks, who were all put to the sword, 

» Hedges' Diary, II, 60 to 65. 


including Hruodlandus, the Prefect of the Britannic march. Such are 
the hare facts. But the death of Roland, it would seem, moved the 
chords of popular sympathy, and it straightway became transmuted by 
the alchemy of fancy into the most celebiated romance of the middle 
ages. The love of Eoland for Oliver's sister, the fighting with the 
giant Ferracute, the treachery of Ganelon, the wonderful sword and 
horn, the last prayer of the hero, his deatii, and Charles's vengeance, 
these are added touches which have given such life and power to the 
original story, that, like the mystic sounds, which reached Charlemagne 
Across the Pyrenees at a distance of thirty leagues from the valley of 
Roncesvalles, the song of Roland has gone forth into all lands, and 
" makes itself heard across nine centuries in the refined ears of our own 

The career of Job Chamock and the ransack of Hugli seem to have 
exercised a similar fascination over the minds of the Indian people to 
whom the story first came, for we find that they very soon began to 
embellish the facts with fabulous additions. According to the legend, 
when Chanak was chief of the English, a flood arose and destroyed their 
house at Hugli. Then they cut down trees and began to build them a 
new house two and three storeys high. But the Moslem nobles and 
great ones came to the governor and said : '' These strange dogs of 
Englishmen are making their dwelling so high that they may spy into 
our homes and look upon our wives and daughters. Such a dishonour 
must not be permitted." So the governor sent and forbad all the 
masons and carpenters to carry on the work. "Wherefore Chanak made 
ready to fight. For the Moguls came together in great multitudes, 
and Chanak had only a few men aiid one ship. But with a burning- 
glass he caught the sun's fires and burnt the river face of the city as 
far as Chandanuagar. Then the governor took two great iron chains. 
Each chain had many links, and each link weighed twenty-two pounds. 
These chains he stretched across the Hugli. But Chanak cut the chain 
with his sword and went on his way to the Deccan. Having thus 
defeated the malice of his foes he went to the court of King Aurangzeb, 
who was at this time fighting against the Kings of the Deccan. 
Chanak was brought into the presence of the King, and stood before 
him with folded arms. Then one came and whispered to the Kino- 
that the provisions of the Mogul army were all gone ; and the Km^'s 
countenance fell and his thoughts troubled him. ^sow Chanak per- 
ceived that the King was troubled, and knew that it was because he 
had no food left. He therefore ordered his servants to carry in secret 


all sorts of meat and drink to the King's army. This act of generosity 
won the heart of the King, and he said to Chanak : " Ask what you 
will, and I will give it you." But Chanak said : " First bid me 
defeat your enemies, and then I will take somewhat of you." So 
Chanak, having obtained orders from the King, marched against the 
enemy and put his armies to flight. Then he came again and stood 
before the King and asked that the English might be given the village 
of Calcutta. And the King consented, and departed to Delhi, but 
Chanak returned and founded Fort William in Bengal.^ 

Such are some of the traditions which at a very early date gathered 
round the events of 1686 and the following years. In them the reader 
may easily discern hints and adumbrations of the Chanakiad which 
should have been. Had there been no English conquest of Bengal, 
had there been no consequent introduction of western culture and 
western refinements of criticism, the Company's old agent would by 
tliis time have been transformed into a warrior-hero as bold as the 
wielder of Durandal, as terrible in wrath as the avenger of Patroclus. 
The ransack of Hugli might have become an epic poem which critics 
and savants might have analysed and quarrelled over, some maintaining 
that it arose from the corruption of a Sanskrit root, and others that it 
was a solar myth symbolising the struggle between light and dark- 
ness which takes place at the dawning of the day. 

» Hedges' Diary, II, 97 to 99. 


Fbbbttabt, 1687, to Novbmbbb, 1688. 


An Indian river in its old age is a thing full of caprice. It 
approaches its end rich with spoils gathered during a long and prosper- 
ous life, but uncertain where to leave them. Tom in a hundred 
different directions, it reaches the sea through an ever-varying number 
of ever-varying distributaries. Now the stream eats away its right 
bank, now its left. It oscillates in wide sweeping circles, depositing 
silt on either side, and again breaks through the curves thus formed and 
takes a more direct course. Sometimes it spills over its banks and 
completely abandons its old channel. From these vagaries of an Indian 
river the Ganges is by no means exempt, and its great western 
distributary shares in them, though in a lesser degree. A tidal river, 
the Hugli has not during the last three or four hundred years much 
changed its course, but the alterations which have taken place in its 
confluents and in its banks have been so many and so considerable, that 
an enquirer into its topography in the days of Job Charnock will 
often find the greatest difficulty in tracing out many localities which 
were at that time well known and conspicuous. In such a case our 
only resource is to begin with the present which we know, and thence 
work back to the unknown past. 


The course of the Hugli below Calcutta may be divided into four 
sections. From Fort William to Ulubaria the stream runs for some 
twenty miles in a south-westerly direction. For the next twenty miles 
it continues almost due south. Then at Hugli Point begins a 
wide semi-ciroular sweep of about twenty-five miles, in which is 
situated Diamond Harbour. In the last section the river enters the 
sea, flowing south with the island of Sagar as its left bank. On its 
right side it receives during the whole of this course four confluents, the 
Damodar. the Rupnarayan, the Haldi, and the Rasulpur river. Of these, 
the largest and the most important is the Eupnarayan, which joins the 
main stream at Hugli Point. Here occurs the most critical turn in the 
whole navigation of the river, for here lies the James and Mary sand, 
which for the past two centuries has been the dread of all ships making 
their way to Calcutta. In the seventeenth century the Hugli was 
considered to begin at this point, and although we do not hear of the 
fatal sand, yet we find that the place was noted for its dangerous eddies 
and currents. Lower down at the junction of the Easulpur river with 
the Hugli, just opposite the centre of the modern island of Sagar, is 
situated the old fort of Hijili in the district of Qasba Hijili; seven 
and-a-half miles above this on the great river is the town of Khejiri. 
The Cowcolly light-house stands about half-way between the two 
places, and to the north of Khejiri a slender water-course, known as the 
Kunjapur Khal, runs back from the Hugli to the Rasulpur river, thus 
forming the base of an inverted triangle of which the apex is Hijili. 

At the present day Qasba Hijili is rather an out-of-the-way corner 
of the world. To get to it by land you must leave the grand trunk 
road, which runs through Midnapore to Orissa, and strike off to the 
south-west by the way from Belda to Kanthi, a distance of some thirty- 
five miles. From Kanthi the more ancient and more direct route runs 
over the sand hills to Dariapur at the mouth of the Rasulpur river, 
whence you may cross straight over to the old town of Hijili. But 
the post road passes in a north-easterly direction to Rasulpur, where 
the river is crossed by a ferry, and from thence continues in a 
direction almost parallel to the Kunjapur Khal, but a mile and-a-half 
to the south of it, till it reaches Khejiri, while a more circuitous path 
diverging to the right from the ferry, leads to the same place past 
the old town of Hijili, Pachuriya, and the Cowcolly light-house. 

Nij Qasba Hijili, all that now remains of the old town, is a some- 
what large collection of hovels standing at the junction of the two 
rivers. Five hundred yards to the west on the Rasulpur river is a 


landing place "witli a bazar. Between this and the village rises the ■white 
tower of a mosque, conspicuous for miles away ; and by the mosque 
stands the shrine of Masuad 'Ali Shah, the first Musulman ruler of 
the place, whose memory is still held in veneration by Hindus and 
Mahomedans alike. Masnad 'Ali held rule in the first half of the 
sixteenth century ; but when his warrior brother, the Mighty Wrestler, 
was dead, and he heard that the Mogul was sending an army to attack 
him, the holy man buried himself alive, and left his son Bahadur 
Khan to make peace with the emperor, and hold his land as a 
feudatory of the Court of Delhi. ^ 

Further down to the south, almost completely covered by the watef 
of the river, lie the ruined walls of the old fort. Behind for some 
distance up in the apex of the triangle of land included between the 
Hugli and the Easulpur river rise a number of small sand-hills thickly 
covered with prickly bamboos and the ever-green Indian oak, from 
which HijLli is said to take its name. All roimd beside the rivers and 
away towards Elhejiri and the Kunjapur Khal the land lies low, a great 
dyke encircling it like the wall of a Eoman camp, preventing the 
influx of the adjacent salt waters and allowing it to be cultivated. Two 
hundred years ago the land unprotected by any embankment was for- 
the most part swamp. So fatally malarious was the spot that the 
difference between going to Hijili and returning thence passed into 
a Hindustani proverb. 

It was, however, a place of the greatest importance, an accessible 
frontier, a land rich in grain, the seat of the salt manufacture, the 
private domain of the Mogul who had the monopoly of the precious 
mineral extracted from these low-lying swamps by the easy process of 
filtration and by boiling the brine. The Kunjapur Khal was then a 
deep, broad stream, which completely cut off both Khejiri and Hijili 
from the main land, and these again were divided into two distinct 
islands by the river CowcoUy, of which the channel has now completely 
vanished. Both places were considered *' exceeding pleasant and fruit- 
ful, having great store of wild hogs, deer, wild buffaloes, and tigers.'* 
It was an amusing and interesting trip in those days to take a boat at 
the town of Khejiri and row all round the two islands into the Eusul- 
pur river, and so back to the Hugli, noting the busy scenes which 
met you on your way.^ 

» Hunter's Statistical Account of Bengal, edition of 1876, liL 1&9, 200 
' Hedges' Diari/t I, 68, 172, 176. 


Such was the " pleasant island in the Ganges " to which the 
English in 1687 were persuaded to entrust all their fortunes. On 
the approach of Nicholson, Malik Qasim, the Mogul commandant, 
deserted the place and surrendered all its forts and batteries, all 
its guns and ammunition, without striking a blow. The island 
was full of inhabitants and well stocked with cattle. By the 27th 
February, Charnock had established himself in the town and collected 
the bulk of his forces round him. They consisted of four hundred 
and twenty soldiers, the Beaufort with her frigate, and nearly all 
the Company's sloops, except one, which had been left at Hugli Point, 
to guard the passage of the river, and another which remained at 
Balasor with the Rochester and the Nathaniel. But the English knew 
that what had been so easily won might also be as easily lost, unless 
they took steps to secure their position. Sloops were therefore placed 
all round the island wherever it was thought likely that a landing 
might be effected, and the long-boats and pinnaces were ordered to 
keep cruising all night to prevent the people from crossing over to 
the mainland with their cattle. The so-called fort at Hijili was a 
small house surrounded by a thin wall with two or three armed points. 
It stood in the midst of a grove of trees, and was hemmed in on all 
sides by a thick town of mud houses. The landing to the west 
on the Rasulpur river was at least five hundred yards distant, 
and had to be defended by a separate battery. The English began 
to look back with regret to their old factory at the Gholghat in 
Hugli, and to think that they might have made a much better fight 

The first blow was struck by the ships at Balasor. The port is 
situated on the Bura-balung, a sinuous river doubling back upon itself 
in numerous loops, with an awkward bar a little more than two 
miles from its mouth. Some way up the stream occurs a projecting 
promontory, which frequently appears in the records of Chamock's 
time under the name of the Point of Sand. The point commands the 
river for miles, and was armed by the Mogul rulers with a fort and 
batteries. West of it stood the old town of Balasor ; beyond this, 
still further up the stream, was the rapidly growing uew town 
where the Europeans had established their factories. The hostile 
measures of Charnock had alarmed the whole country round. New 
Balasor was alive with horses- soldiers and foot-soldiers, and every 

* Hedges' Diary, J I, 65. 


Mogul's house was turned into an improvised fortification. The ships 
were drawn up in dry docks of mud under the protection of the 
Point of Sand. The batteries were armed to the teeth with guns taken 
out of the vessels. But these preparations were of no avail to stay the 
attack of one hundred and seventy British soldiers and sailors. In 
a single night the fort was taken with small loss. On the following 
day, the river being clear of hostile ships, the English easily marched 
up to the new town, and after a short struggle made themselves masters 
of the whole place, burning and destroying all before them. F<ir two 
days new Balasor was given over to the spoilers. They broke into the 
king's custom hoase ; they plundered the private merchants ; and, 
returning to the old town, burnt all the shipping as it lay in the docks. 
Two vessels arriving at the mouth of the river, one belonging to the 
Prince, and the other to the nabob, with four elephants on her, were 
seized and made prizes. Satisfied that enough had been done to 
vindicate their honour in the eyes of the people of Balasor, the English 
determined to leave, but they were not allowed to get off scot free. 
While waiting at the mouth of the river for a favourable wind, 
a long boat with a crew of seventeen men, was surprised two miles up 
the country, and all the men taken except one. The heads of three 
of the prisoners were cut off and stuck up at Hugli. Meanwhile the 
Eochesttr, the Naihaniel and the Samuel sailed to join Chamock, and 
in their stead the sloop Good Hope was sent down to keep watch in 
the Bay.i 

Chamock had commenced his operations with vigour. He had 
ransacked Hugli, attacked the Thana forts, destroyed Balasor, seized 
Hijili. To him these things seemed ample demonstrations of power, 
and he, no doubt, expected matters to come to a crisis at once. But to 
the rulers of India they seemed very minor incidents. Aurangzeb was 
at this time intent upon the taking of Haidarabad. He did not hear 
of the proceedings of the English till the beginning of March, and then 
contented himself with calling for the map and ascertaining where 
such obscure places as Hugli and Balasor were situated.- Shayista 
Khan was almost equally unconcerned. He had ordered adequate 
forces of horse and foot to advance against Hijili, and he had no doubt 
that they would reach the place in due course and drive the rash 
invaders into the sea. At the same time, it was satisfactory to reflect 

> Htdges' Diary, 11, 65, 66. 
- lb., II, 63. 64 



that they had chosen to coop themselves up in the most pestilential 
swamp in all lower Bengal, so that they might almost be safely 
left to stew in their own juice. 

March and April must have been trying months for the English 
at Hijili. Day by day the tropical heat grew fiercer ; day by day their 
forces dwindled away, while the numbers of their enemies increased 
and multiplied. By the beginning of May the supplies of provisions 
had run very short. Nothing was to be had in the island, but beef 
and a little fish, a diet scarcely suited to the season of the year. Both 
ashore and on board the ships, great numbers died daily, the number 
of soldiers sick being never less than a hundred and eighty. The in- 
habitants, who had at first been friendly, and with whose assistance 
alone the necessary fortifications could be completed, either through fear 
or for want of rice, had begun to leave the island. The local magnate, 
who had offered to co-operate with Charnock, refused to give any help. 
The island was closely beset by the Mogul troops. On the other side of 
the Easulpur river, opposite Hijili, Malik Q,asim had raised a battery 
which commanded the river, the landing place, and even the fort. 

The English were thus forced to resume the offensive. In one 
sally on to the mainland they carried off fifteen thousand maunds of 
rice ; in another they took the battery, split the great guns, and brought 
away the small ones, with a large quantity of powder and ammunition. 
But the respite thus gained was short. The enemy soon returned in 
increased numbers, erected a larger and more powerful battery than 
before, beat the ships from their anchorage, and even flung shot into 
the fort of Hijili. 

By the middle of May, 'Abdu-s Samad, tlie nabob's general, arrived 
at Hijili. His forces were considerable, amounting to twelve thousand 
men, and he was entrusted with ample powers to deal with the English 
as he thought best. He resolved on decisive measures. More batteries 
along the river wherever it was narrowest, and a furious cannonade 
opened upon the shipping. Every shot told. The English forces were 
completely disorganized. On the 28th May, in the afternoon, a detaeb- 
ment of seven hundred Mogul cavalry and two hundred gunners, filled 
with enthusiasm and bbang, crossed the Rasulpur river at the ferry three 
miles above the town, and surprised jan unfinished battery of four field 
pieces. The men in charge hastened at once to give notice of the attack, 
but so vehement was the onset of the enemy that 'Abdu-s Samad's horse- 
men arrived as soon as the news, seized the town, and set it on fire. 
One of the English officers was cut to pieces as he lay sick in his house, 


and his wife and child were carried off prisoners. The stables which 
contained the English horses and the four elephants lately taken in 
the nabob's ship, fell an easy prey to the enemy. Already they had 
lodged themselves within the trenches, but the English, hurrjing 
together after a desperate fight which lasted all the evening, succeeded 
in saving the fort. 

Chamock's position now seemed altogether desperate. Two hun- 
dred of his men he had buried. Scarcely one hundred soldiers, weak 
with repeated attacks of fever and ague, remained to hold the fort. 
Out of forty officers only one lieutenant and four sergeants were alive 
and able to do duty. The Beaufort had sprung another great leak, 
and Nicholson had been compelled to empty her of her guns, ammuni- 
tion, provisions, and goods, and order her away to careen. None of the 
ships were more than half manned ; and it was evident that unless the 
fort could be held, and the passage to the landing place kept open, all 
would be lost. 

Fortunately for the English, there stood half-way between the fort 
and the river a masonry building which Chamock had converted into 
a battery by placing on it two guns and a guard, while the landing 
stage itself was similarly protected. As long as these posts could be 
maintained, Chamock's connection with his base was safe. The next 
day most of the small craft that had hitherto kept guard round the 
island were brought into the broad river, the most valuable of the 
Company's goods placed on ship-board, and more provisions and troops 
conveyed iuto the fort. With these men Chamock drove the enemy 
out of his lines, and for four days maintained his position against 
overwhelming odds. The courage of the Mogul wEirriors "went out 
with their bang ;" and though a great many more were landed 
in the island, and the English were besieged three quarters round, 
yet the fort aud the two batteries which secured the passage to the 
shipping were still untaken, when, on the first of June, a most 
welcome relief arrived in the shape of seventy men fresh from Europe 
under the command of Captain Denham. 

The tide of war had turned ; the timely reinforcement saved Char^ 
nock. The new troops were full of life and spirit. The day after their 
arrival Denham sallied out of the fort, beat the enemy from their guns, 
burnt their houses, and returned having lost only one man. A bright 
idea occurred to Charnock. Seeing what a strong effect the arrival 
of the reinforcements had produced upon the minds of the enemy, ha 
determined to repeat it. Accordingly, he quietly dropped his sailors by 


one or two at a time out of the fort, and sent them down to the landing 
place, whence the whole body was ostentatiously marched up again in 
all the panoply of war, flags flying, drums beating, trumpets sounding, 
and the men huzzaing loudly as they had done on the first day of their 
arrival. *< In war." as the great Napoleon used to say, " the moral is to 
the physical force as three parts to one." The effect of Charnock's 
device was instantaneous. The enemy, supposing that the English were 
somehow supplied with a constant succession of recruits, began to 
despair of shaking their position. On the 4th June, in the morning, 
they held out a flag of truce, and Oharnock was informed that 'Abdu-s 
Samad wished to treat for peace. 

A cessation of arms was agreed upon ; and Oharnock, having duly 
received a hostage from the enemy, sent over Richard Trenchfield, 
who seems to have been on more friendly terms with the Indian officials 
than the other servants of the Oompany, to open the negotiations. 
On the 6th June Macrith and JoUaud were united with Trenchfield 
in a commission which was entrusted with full powers to conclude 
peace, two more hostages were taken from the enemy, and the three 
men were sent over to 'Abdu-s Samad. They were instructed to insist 
as much as possible on the ratification of the twelve articles drawn up 
at Sutanuti and on the surrender of those who infringed the Com- 
pany's monopoly, but in any case to conclude a peace as best they 
could. In three days the terms were settled and ratified. On the 
10th June the Mogul commander entered the fort, and the next day 
the English, taking with them all their ammunition and artillery, 
marched out of the place which they had so gallantly held for more 
than three months, with drums beating and colours flying.^ 

On leaving Hijili, Oharnock went up the river to Ulubaria, 
where he remained for the next three months. 'Abdu-s Samad had 
promised to give him passes to allow the English to go further up the 
river above the Thana forts, but the passes never came. Neither were 
'Abdu-s Samad's other promises any better observed. He had agreed 
to procure from the nabob the confirmation of the Sutanuti articles, 
but the nabob did nothing of the sort. On the 2nd July and again 
on the 16th August orders were signed and despatched from Dacca, in 
which, after dwelling upon the mischief which had been doue, and 
declaring that the Mogul would never pardon such offences should ho 
hear of them, his Highness was understood to accord his gracious 

Hedges' Diary, II, 30 to 69, 


permission to the English to secure themselves at Ulubaria and re- 
main in their factories at Hugli, carrying on their trade with the 
merchants. But as regarded their demands for compensation, for 
exemption from taxation, and for the establishment of a mint, 
Shayista Khan oould say nothing definite. He had referred every- 
thing to the King, his master. Chamock perceived " that the war was 
not yet at an end or like to be suddenly." The first order he had 
indignantly returned to Dacca ; but on receiving the second order at 
the beginning of September, he determined to accept it so far as to go 
up to Sutanuti with all his ships, " as well for a recruit of provisions 
as for the spinning out of this monsoon, with a firm resolution not to 
settle no trade till he [^i.e. the nabob] confirms these last articles 
and gives us some security against any demands of damages that arise 
against us hereafter." ^ 

» Sedges' Diary, U, 69 to 70. • 


NoTBMBEB 16S&— August 1690. 


In spite of their professed regard for their old servant, Chamoek's 
honourable masters at home were not slow to criticise his late military 
and political exploits. The letters from the Court to Bengal at this 
time are a curious mixture of cupidity, patriotism^ bravado, piety, and 
acrimonious abuse. "We know," say they, "your interest leads you 
to return as soon as you can to your trades and getting of money, and 
so, it may be, our interest prompts us; but when the honour of our 
King and country is at stake, we scorn more petty considerations, and 
so should you."^ ""When we perused," say they in another letter, 
" your Hugli diary, commencing September 1685, and concluding 
November 1686, wherein we observe the manifold, insupportable, and 
heinous abuses offered to you by the natives of Bengal, to the robbing 
of us of almost half our stock, it provokes us as well to indignation 
as to admiration, at your insensible patience that you should let them 
pass with so easy a correction after you had them at your mercy in 
Hugli, and much more, that you should be yourselves, and suppose 
us to be, such weak and imthinking men as to venture our estates 

• Redgeg Diary, II, 78. 


again into- the hands of such false and rapacious villains, without a 
strong fort at hand to revenge the injuries they may hereafter do us ; 
which we are so far from intending, that we are peremptorily resolved 
never to send any of our estate again into Bengal until we know you 
are well settled and fortified in some strong place of our own, with an 
English garrison, and it is for that purpose principally that we have 
been and are at so vast a charge in sending out so many strong ships 
last year, and so many soldiers as we have sent this last and this present 
year; though we are not without great fear that your backwardness and 
hankering after your profitable easy old habitations, as the Israelites 
did after the onions and garlick of Egypt, may deprive us of the fruit 
of all our cost." ^ In a third letter they write : — " It is of vanity to 
fancy that your prudence or subtlety procured at last those good terms 
you obtained of Abdul Samad, when you and your forces were by your 
errors aforesaid reduced to that low condition you vs^ere in upon the 
island of Hijili. It was not your wit or contrivance, but God 
Almighty's good providence, which hath always graciously superin- 
tended the afiairs of this Company, particularly by the success he was 
pleased to give our general on the Surat side. This fatal disappoint- 
ment of the whole trade of India caused insurrections, and an universal 
lamentation and cry, not only of the natives, but of the other nations 
aforesaid, Peace with the English^ or ice must all starve ; and this caused 
the Mogul only of his known humane, benign disposition and love 
to mankind to send Cossids and Dogohuckys^ in haste to Bengal and 
all places to make up the breach, and one of his great Princes to Surat 
in such manner, and with such express instructions, that the English 
should remain contented." ^ 

The Com't did not stop at criticism. They went on to draw out a 
definite plan of campaign, and to supersede Charnock in favour of a 
new and untried commander. The most consummate general of modern 
times has told us that " it is not permitted at the distance of three 
hundred leagues, and without even an account of the condition of the 
army, to direct what should be done ;" yet a committee of English 
traders in London at a distance of fifteen thousand miles from Bengal 
felt quite competent to direct military operations against a mighty 
empire. These sapient tacticians had somehow arrived at the conclusion 
that all would be weU in the Bay if they could seize upon Ohittagong. 

' Hedges' Diary, II, 74. 

2 i.e., couriers and posts. Qdsid is a courier, and dak-chuttki, a post. 

« Sedges' Diary, II, 74. 



They did not very well know where Chittagong was, and appear to have 
thought it would be found some way up the Ganges,^ but they were sure 
it was the right place for the English settlement in Bengal. They also 
believed that they had found the right man to take it, Captain William 
Heath, of the Defence, a hot-headed skipper, by no means deficient 
in the art of navigating and managing a ship, but with pride and 
obstinacy enough to spoil any abilities and ruin any enterprise. He 
had, however, so impressed the Court with his swaggering and boasting, 
that without more ado they placed him in command of a fleet of ten or 
eleven ships,^ and sent him ofi to the Bay at the beginning of the year 
1688 to take over the management of all their afEairs in those parts 
and put them in possession of the post they coveted.^ 

What is the meaning of these new orders? It is the earlier policy 
of violence criticising the new policy of a fortified settlement. Ideas 
at this time were necessarily slow in travelling outwards to India and 
homewards to England. The Court which was the last to abandon its 
confidence in the native rulers was also the last to imderstand that a 
policy of simple retaliation was not the best method of defending the 
English trade in Bengal. 

* Hedges' Diary, II, 78. 

* See the fragment of a diary which is found in the Egerton Collection, 
No. 283, entitled " Voyage from Bengal to Madras, 1688 until 1690," and -which 
has been printed by Mr. Long in 1871 as an " Historical I^otice concerning 
Calcutta in the Days of Job Ghamock." 

When Captain Heath left Sutanuti on the 8th November 1688, he was in 
command of the following fleet [see page 4 of the Notice} : — 

^(1) ^hx^ Resolution, C&'^iaxa. William Sharp, Commander, Captain Heath 
being thereon ; 

(2) Ship Williamson, Captain Stephen Ashby, Commander ; 

(3) „ Diamond, Captain George Herron, Commander ; 

(4) ,, Recovery, Captain John Hampton, Commander ; 

(5) „ Success, Captain Thomas Walthrop, Commander ; 

(6) Ketch Samuel, Edward Tench, Master ; 

(7) „ Thomas, John Gorbold, Master ; 

(8) Sloop Beaufort, Edward Hussey, Master; 

(9) Ship Resistance, John Blunt, Master ; 

(10) „ Cumneer Merchant, Anthony Pennislon, Master; 

(11) „ Retriever, George Paulin, Master ; 
Some way down the river they fell in with — 

(12) Ship James, Captain Abraham Roberts, Commander, and (13) Ship 

In Balasor road they found waiting for them — 

(14) Ship Defence, and (15) Ship Princess of Denmark. 
While in the road they took two French ships, the Energie and the Lorette 
and on the 26th November were joined by the ship Frances from Madras * 

* Hedges' Diary, II, 76, 77. 


To Chamock these designs against Ohittagong must have seemed 
madness. He knew Ohittagong, and knew where it was. He had 
grave doubts whether it could be taken at all by the English, and 
still graver doubts whether it could be retained ; and he was sure 
that even if it could be taken and retained it was too distant from the 
northern and western parts of Bengal to be a fit centre of the English 
trade there. For this purpose some spot on the Hugli was needed, and 
the question to be settled was, which spot. Charnock, as I have said, 
was not a genius to divine by intuition what should be done, but he was 
a shrewd, clever man, who quickly profited by experience. He had 
tried three places on the right side of the river, Hugli, Ulubaria, 
Hijili. The first two were completely exposed to the attack of an enemy 
advancing from the west, and it was therefore impossible for the English 
to remain at either of them if the Mogul Government attacked in 
sufl&oient force. Hijili', being an island, seemed suitable enough at first 
sight, but it was not really more defensible, for the river, which cut it 
off from the mainland, was so narrow that it could be easily swept by the 
enemy's guns. It was besides a malarious swamp. The fourth place 
which Charnock had tried was SQtanutl, a position as secure for a naval 
power as the others were insecure. It could only be approached on one 
side. To attack it the Mogul troops must cross the river higher up and 
inarch down upon it from the north. But if the river were crossed while 
the English ships still dominated it, the attacking force was exposed to 
swift and certain destruction. The English sending their troops up the 
stream could land and assail the enemy on his march to Calcutta, cut 
him off from his base, force him to form front parallel to his lifie of 
communication, and so place him in the most dangerous predicament in 
which an army can find itself. It is not pretended that Charnock 
grasped all these military advantages when he came to Sutanuti, 
neither is it pretended that they were the only advantages which the 
place had to offer ; but it is surely not too much to believe that when 
Charnock returned to Sutanuti a second time, it was because he had 
found out that it was strategically safe, and that for this reason among 
others he fully intended to stay there. 

At any rate there he stayed for more than twelve months, during 
which time the Company's civil servants and soldiers were compelled 
to live in huts till proper brick houses could be erected. The operations 
at Surat which were the cause of so much pious thankfulness at the 
India House must have excited very different feelings in the breast 
of Charnock, for the nabob learning that the war on the Malabar Coast 


had broken out afresh, felt himself no longer bound by the terms he had 
recently made with the English, and at once set about annoying them in 
every possible way. He ordered them to return to Hugli, prohibited 
them from building in brick or stone at SutanutI, demanded large sums 
as compensation for the war, and finally gave his soldiers fuU permission 
to plunder the English trade and property. Chamock, determined at 
all costs to remain at yutanuti, had recourse to negotiation. Eyre and 
Braddyll, two members of the Council, were despatched to Dacca to 
request permission to remain at Sutanuti and to be allowed to purchase 
from the native owners sufficient groimd for a factory. At Hugli, they 
were to urge, the English had no convenient anchorage for their large 
ships, and were so closely entangled with the native town that disputes 
were sure to arise. By settling at Calcutta these difficulties would be 
for the future avoided.^ 

But while Charnock was thus straining every nerve to establish 
himself at Calcutta, Captain Heath was hastening on his way from 
England to supersede the old Agent, and unsettle everything which 
had been done for the last fifty years. The instructions sent with him 
to Madras were admittedly drawn up in the dark. The Court confessed 
that it had no certain knowledge of the state of affairs in Bengal, and 
could not guess whether Chamock had made peace or not. If he had 
made peace and had settled and fortified himself in any place which 
would at all answer the purpose, Heath was to wait at Madras and 
await further orders. In any other case Heath was to sail at once 
against Chittagong and take it, and thence send for Chamock and his 

These were wild instructions. The proceedings of the wrong-headed 
swash-buckler intrusted with their execution were wilder still. Ajriving 
at Calcutta on the 20th September, he immediately called a council of 
WEir, and communicated the Court's orders to the assembled merchants 
and captains. The matter of discussion was serious and the debate pro- 
tracted, each member recording his opinion separately in writing.^ 

We do not know what their arguments were, but we can guess at 
some of them. Heath, it seems, began by quoting his orders which he 
considered left them no alternative but to pack up and be off to 
Chittagong. But instructions drawn up for the conduct of a distant 

* Stewart's Bengal, p. 2i1L. Hedges Diary, II, 73. Long's Notice, 19 to 21. 

* Hedges' Diary, II, 77-78. 
» lb., II, 79, 81. 


pampaign must always leave some measure of latitude to the com- 
mander. Absurd as were as the oi'ders of Court, they were not so absurd 
as to leave no alternative. The authorities at home, trusting in the fidelity 
and discretion of their old Agent, had sanctioned the settlement at 
Calcutta. The letter which went with Heath expressly says: — "If the 
place Mr. Charnock may have already settled and fortified upon will in 
any measure answer our known purpose, in such case, since we can't now 
help it, we would have you proceed to strengthen that place already 
settled and to forbear proceeding against Chittagong until you receive 
further orders from us." ^ In another letter written three weeks later 
.the Court pronounces still more decidedly in favour of remaining at 
Calcutta : — " We have no manner of doubt," they say, " of the oon- 
.tinuance of our peace in all the Mogul's dominions, and therefore we 
think the sooner our Agent Charnock resettles the factories at Cassim- 
bazar and Malda, from whence we used to have our best returns, the 
better it will be for the Company; and since he likes Sutanuti so well, 
we are content he should build a factory there, but with as much fruga- 
lity as may be, and we hope he will so continue that business as to the 
duties of the town being to be the Company's by the Bengal articles." ^ 
It may, however, be urged that the settlement was not fortified. Cer- 
tainly there were no brick bastions or walls to defend it. Yet nature 
had planted morasses on its eastern and southern sides, and had placed 
between it and its enemies a broad river on which the English ships 
could come and go as they liked. But Captain Heath, though no 
stranger to the locality, had never studied it as a general. We cannot 
therefore be surprised that he failed to understand its strategic advan- 
tages. Clive saw them at a glance, but Clive was a genius. 

The other arguments which may have been used in favour of 
staying at Calcutta are of a more obvious nature. Heath had been told 
to consult with the Agent and Council, and the majority were in favour 
of peace. They had had enough of fighting for the present. They were 
contented to stay at Sntanuti, -where they had found many advantages 
and had already begun to establish a certain amount of trade. Shayista 
Khan, the great enemy of the English, had left Bengal, and in his 
stead Bahadur Khan was acting as nabob. They were not without 
hopes that the new vice-nabob would after all give way and grant 
their demands, especially now that they had received such large 
reinforcements from Europe. These arguments Heath had little 

* Hedges' Dim^y, II, 77. 
» lb., II, 75. 


difficulty in overruling. Hs informed the Council that he had the sole 
management of the Company's affairs, and that he saw no prospect 
of their ever coming to an agreement with the Indian government. 
He gave them till the 10th of November to make what investment they 
could and wind up their affairs. By that time his vessels would 
be repaired, fitted, provisioned, and ready for sea, and he would 
then proceed with the whole of the establishment to Chittagong. 
Quick work this for men habituated to Indian methods of procrastina- 
tion and delay; but Captain Heath was rapid in everything, even 
in changing his mind. In less than three weeks the impetuous 
seaman had gone off on quite another tack. He understood that 
Bahadur Khan, the new ruler at Dacca, was intending to send an 
expedition against the King of Arakan, and hastily wrote off to offer 
his help, provided that the nabob should confirm all the old privileges 
of the English in Bengal and immediately send an order, under his 
hand and seal, for building a fortified place which might secure the 
Company's servants and their trade from the villainies of every petty 
governor. '• Otherwise," said he, " we design in a few days to depart 
this country peaceably, our positive orders being to stay no longer here 
to trade in fenceless factories." ^ 

An offer made in such insulting terms would have been regarded 
by Baliadur Khan rather as an ultimatum than as a friendly overture, 
and perhaps it was so meant. But the two English plenipotentiaries at 
Dacca, with the help of their native friends, took care to make their 
requests in a much more respectful manner, and were so successful that 
at the beginning of November they were in immediate expectation of a 
favourable order from his Highness, who had in fact despatched Malik 
Barkhwurdar to Hugli to arrange matters.^ But Captain Heath had by 
this time veered round to his former opinion. He was not going to stay 
for Malik Barkhwurdar, who was an inveterate enemy of the English 
and the chief contriver of the sham articles signed at Sutanuti. 
Although the time he had originally fixed had not yet expired, he bade 
the Company's servants pack and be gone, and on the 8th November 
the English, taking with them all their belongings, once more started 
on their wanderings in search of a secure centre for their trade. 
Eyre and Braddyll and the rest of the factors in different parts of the 
country were abandoned to their fate. Malik Barkhwurdar, astonished 

* Hedges' Diary, II, 79, 81. Also Long's Nolice, 2. 

* Long's Notice, 3. 


beyond measure at this sudden departure, sent repeated messages after 
the retreating ships, but without any result.^ 

Charnock and Heath arrived in Balasor road on the 16th November. 
Besides the Defence and the Princess of Denmark, which had been sent 
out from Europe, they had some thirteen or fourteen smaller vessels, 
and shortly after their arrival had the good fortune to capture two 
French frigates, the Energie and the Lorette? The number of soldiers 
amounted to about three hundred, of whom more than half were Portu- 
guese. The Mogul governor of Balasor was living, with his retinue in 
tents pitched on the Point of Sand where the fortifications had been 
greatly strengthened. He was daily expecting news and instructions 
from Dacca, and in the meantime refused to allow the English at 
Balasor to leave the place or to send off any of their goods, and 
prohibited the English in the ships from buying provisions ashore.^ 

At this Juncture Captain Heath, who began to find difficulty in 
procuring food for so large a number of persons as were now under 
his care, returned to his pacific mood. Instead of immediately landing 
his forces and marching wide of the fortifications on the Point of Sand 
so as to surprise the town of new Balasor, and, if possible, bring off the 
English with their goods, he hung about in the Bay and kept sending 
envoys ashore to the Mogul governor to ask if any news had arrived 
from Dacca, to demand the surrender of the Company's servants and 
property, and finally to warn the governor that the sole blame would 
lie on him if he took no heed and refused to prevent a breach of the 
eace.^ On the 28th November, finding that his negotiations were 
proceeding too slowly, he placed the bulk of his troops on small sloops 
and ascended the Bura-balung. The next day between eight and nine 
in the morning Charnock and those with him in the ships could hear 
the rattle of , the EnglisJi musketry answered by the booming of the 
enemy's pieces of ordnance. In less than three hours the great guns 
were silenced, and flames and smoke were seen rising up inland. 
Boats bringing back news ' of the fight soon followed. The 
English had landed under the cover of some clumps of cocoa-palms, 
dispersed a body of horse and foot, and with a rush carried 
the great battery which guarded the river and the Point of 

» Hedges' Diary, II, 79, 81. 

^ Long's Notice, 13. 

3 Hedges' Diary, II, 80, 82. 

* lb. Also Long's Notice, 10 to 16. 


Sand on which they had hoisted the king's flag. All the artillery 
and stores had fallen into their hands, and they were already ship- 
ping off the ammunition. The victors were restin g on the Point, and 
intended to march up to new Balasor that night. Their loss was 
only one killed and six wounded.^ 

In the attack on the town which took place next day the soldiers, 
according to the peace party, committed great excesses. They made 
no difference between friends and foes, Christians and non- Christians, 
men and women, but ill-treated all alike. They failed, moreover, to 
rescue their countrymen, for the Governor on hearing of their approach 
burnt the English factory, and carried off the factors up the country .^ 
On the 4th December Heath again returned to the ships and to the 
policy of negotiation. On the very day that the soldiers were attacking 
Balasor letters had arrived from Eyre and Braddyll at Dacca, holding 
out hopes that Bahadur Khan would even now grant the requests of the 
English if Charnock would write and confirm the offers made in 
October. For a second time Heath called a coimcil of war. It met 
in the great cabin of the Defence. The letters received from Dacca 
were read and discussed, and to all appearances the Captain was willing 
to make his peace with the nabob. Agent Charnock was allowed to 
write and confirm the offers, and envoys once more parsed to and fro 
between the shipping and the town. But in reality Captain Heath, 
80 far from intending peace, had returned to the design of taking 
Chittagong. On the 23rd December, having already sent two vessels 
to the King of Arakan and two more to explore the mouths of the 
Chittagong river, he sailed away from Balasor, leaving one of his 
English envoys behind him.^ 

Arriving at Chittagong about the 18th January, he sent parties 
of men with a flag of truce in a piunace up the river to the 
town to find out its strength, and to intimate to the Governor 
that the EngHsh had come according to agreement to help the 
Mogul against the King of Arakan.^ On the 21st January Heath 
called his third council of war, and asked them whether they would 
advise him to attack the town. The absurdity of the whole project 
was now manifest. A city like Chittagong defended by some ten 
thousand men was not to be " taken by the collar," nor could it have 

' Long's Notice, 16, 17. 

2 Hedges' Diary, II, 82. 

3 lb., II, 80 and 83. 
* lb., II, 80 and 83. 


been kept if taken. The oouncil, therefore, advised Heath to adhere 
to his offer of help to the Mogul, and to wait for a definite 
answer.^ But waiting was intolerable to the lively sea-captain. He 
declared that " there was nothing but lies wrote on both sides," 
that it was never his intention to transport the nabob's soldiers to 
Arakan, and that he did not intend to stay for an answer. After this 
outburst of passion Heath, as was his wont, permitted communications 
to be opened with the governor of Chittagong, which continued till 
nearly the end of the month, when he suddenly weighed anchor and 
sailed away to offer his services to the King of Arakan.^ But the 
King, instead of rushing to meet the English with open arms, received 
their overtures and presents very coldly. This last rebuff completely 
disgusted Captain Heath with the whole expedition, and, after making 
a futile attempt to stir up a rebellion against the King, he determined 
to return to Madras, as usual abandoning an unfortunate English 
envoy who had been sent off on one of his strange errands.^ " So," says 
our captain, " when [we] found that [we] could not persuade those 
foolish people from the present ruin and destruction which is just 
upon them, we watered our ships and refreshed our men, which were 
much distempered with the scurvy. So on the seventeenth February 
[we] sailed directly for this place. Fort St. George, giving orders for 
every ship to make the best of her way, that no more time might be 
lost, and that perchance, if any Moor's ship were in those seas we 
might by being scattered meet with them."* 

The story of how Captain Heath with the whole of the Company's 
establishment in Bengal for six whole months went " tripping from port 
to port,'' is so extraordinary that we could hardly credit it were it not 
recorded in three different original documents, one of them drawn up 
by the captain himself. But the results of his foolish proceedings, con- 
j oined with the defiant attitude of the settlements at Madras and Bombay, 
are almost equally surprising. At first Aurangzeb had been greatly 
incensed at the audacity of the English, and in an outburst of anger 
had ordered his servants to extirpate these infidels from his dominions 
and to seize or destroy all their goods. But his anger, it is said, cooled 
on reflection. The commerce carried on by the Company enriched his 
treasuries, and he could not well afford to lose it. Yet he could not 

* Hedges' Diary, II, 85. 

2 2h^^ II, 8a-84, .34. 

3 lb., II, 80, 81, 84. 

♦ lb., II, 81. 


help thinking from the violent and unusnal conduct of Captain Heath 
that he had somehow driven the English to desperation, and that 
they intended to altogether abandon Bengal. Besides, their power, 
though insignificant by land, was formidable by sea. Their ships 
might interrupt the trade with Arabia, and hinder the faithful in 
their yearly pilgrimages to the house of God at Mecca. He forced 
himself, therefore, to swallow his resentment and retrace his steps.^ 
"You must understand," he wrote to the nabob of Bengal, "that 
it has been the good fortune of the English to repent them of their 
irregular past proceedings, and their not being in their former great- 
ness, have by their attorneys, petitioned for their lives, and a pardon 
for their faults, which, out of my extraordinary favour towards them, 
have accordingly granted. Therefore upon receipt here of my order 
you must not create them any further trouble, but let them trade in 
your government as formerly, and this order I expect you see strictly 
observed." ^ 

Had Shayista Khan been still in power when this order came 
from the emperor, it is possible that some means would have been found 
for evading it. But, as has been said, he had resigned his oflBce, and, 
after a decent interval, during which Bahadur Khan, " armed with a 
little brief authority," had done his best to please the Mogul by seizin o- 
the English property and imprisoning the English factors, Ibrahim 
Khan, the old bookworm, who had before given rise to so much trouble 
at Patna, had come to be ruler of Bengal. The new nabob was a man of 
peace. Without military abilities, he desired to administer justice with 
strict impartiality and to encourage agriculture and commerce. The 
policy of the emperor was quite in accordance with his natural dis- 
position. He at once set at liberty the Company's agents who were 
confined at Dacca, and wrote letters to Charnock at Madras inviting 
him to return to Bengal. At first Charnock hesitated. He had not 
forgotten his experiences at Patna. He knew that even if the nabob 
himself was sincere, there was still a host of subordinates ready to 
harass the English as in the old days before the war. He demanded a 
specific warrant clearly stating terms on which trade would be resumed. 
The nabob applied to the emperor, but at the same time pointed out 
to Charnock that the granting of such a warrant must take many 
months, and pressed him to come without further delay.' The English 

* Stewart's Bengal, 203-206. 
' lb., Appendix, d. iy. 
» lb., 204-205. 


resolved to trust these promises of friendship and protection. In 
August, Charnock, with his Council and factors, escorted by thirty 
soldiers, arrived in the Bay, and sent forward Stanley and Mackrith to 

/occupy Hugli. On Sunday, the 24th, at noon, the wanderers found 
themselves once more at Sutanuti. Ibrahim Khan, whom the English 
now styled " the most famously just and good nabob," was true to his 
word. The restored merchants were received with respect by the 
commander of the Thana fort and the governor of Hugli. ^ On the 
10th February 1691, an Imperial order was issued under the seal of 

1 Hedges' Biary, II, 86-87. 

Tlie account of tlie third occupation of Sutanuti and the foundation of 
Calcutta is given in the " Diary and Consultation Booh for affairs of the Rt. 
Hon'ble English East India Company, kept by the Rt. Worshipful the Agent and 
Council, beginning \Qth July 1690." From it we learn that the Bengal Council 
returned from Madras on the Princess. At Balasor they left the Princess and 
went on board the ketch Madapollam. The Diary records :— 

"August 24#A— [Sunday] This day at Sankraul ordered Captain Brooke 
to come up with his vessel to Chutanuttee, where we arrived about noon ; but 
found the place in a deplorable condition, nothing being left for our present 
accommodation and the rain falling day and night. We are forced to betake 
ourselves to boats, which, considering the season of the year, is unhealthy ; 
Mellick Burcoordar and the country people at our leaving this place (in October 
1688) burning and carrying away what they could. On our arrival here the 
Governor of Tana sent his servant with a compliment." 

" Thursday, the 2%th August — At a consultation — 


The Et. Worshipful Agent Charnock. 
Mr. Francis Ellis. 
Mr. Jere [miah] Peachie. 
" Resolved that a letter be sent to Mr. Stanley, &c., to come from Hugli 
and bring with them what Englishmen are there, that the war with the French 
may be proclaimed, and also that commissions be given to all command [ers] of 
ships in order to the prosecution of the same. 

" In consideration that all the former buildings here are destroyed, it is re- 
solved that such places bo built as necessity requires and as cheap as possible, 
viz. — 

" (1) A warehouse. 
•« (2) A dining-room. 

" '3; The Secretary's office to be repaired. 
•* (4) A room to sort cloth in. 
*' (5) A cook-room with its conveniences. 
" (6) An apartment for the Company's servants. 

"(7) The Agent's and Mr. Peachie's house to be repaired, which were past 
standing, and a house to be built for Mr. Ellis, the latter being 
totally demolished. 
" (8) The guard-house. 
♦' These to be done with mudd walls and thatched till we can get ground 
whereon to build a factory. 


Asad Khan, allowing the English to " contentedly continue their trade " 
in Bengal on payment of Rs. 3,000 yearly in lieu of all dues.^ A large 
numher of Armenians and Portuguese soon gathered round the 
English, who assigned each nation its quarter in the growing town 
and a piece of land to build a church on.^ 

" Resolved that 2,0C0 maunds of wheat and 200 maunds horse grain be bought 
at Malda, that being the cheapest place, and here to be provided 6,000 maunds 
rice and 200 maunds butter and 200 maunda ojle (and 200 maunds ojle) [«c] to 
be sent to Fort George. 

^ Stewart's Bengal, Appendix, p. vi. 

" Kelations were established between the English and the Armenians in 1688 
through Khojah Phanoos Khalanthar, a native of Julfa in Ispahan, who entered 
into negotiaHons with the Company on behalf of the Armenian merchants in 
Bengal and elsewhere. The Court made a treaty and issued the following 
orders :— 

" Whenever forty or more of the Armenian nation shall become inhabitants 
of any garrison cities or towns belonging to the Company in the East Indies, the 
said Armenians shall not only enjoy the free use and exercise of their religion, 
but there shall also be allotted to them a parcel of gronnd to erect a church 
thereon for worship and service of God in their own way. And that we also will, 
at our own charge, cause a convenient church to be built of timber, which after- 
wards the said Armenians may alter and build with stone or other solid materials 
to their own good liking. And the said Governor and Company wiU also allow 
fifty pounds per annum, during the space of seven years, for the maintenance of 
such priest or minister as they shall choose to oflBciate therein. Given under the 
Company's large seal, June 22nd, 1688." 

Armenians were, moreover, at liberty to sail at all times in any of the 
Company's ships for the Southern sea, China, and Manilla, paying the same fares 
and duties as the English, 

As a mark of their esteem for Khojah Phanoos Khalanthar, the Court of 
Directors conferred on him an important personal privilege, whereby they 
granted him the monopoly of the "Amethyst '' trade in India, and after him to 
his children and descendants, on which he had to paj only 10 per cent. doty. 

It appears from a letter of Pitt to Khojah Sarhad that Sarhad was the 
nephew of Khalanthar. Pitt met them several times at Mr. Ongley's at the time, 
I suppose, of the negotiations with the Court, i.e., in 1688. (See below p. 369 ) 




Scale 3in.= 4 Miles. 

* Site of Old Fort William. 
**Site of tlie presentFortWilliain, 






The foregoing pages "will have been written in vain if thej have not 
convinced the reader that the site of Calcutta was chosen by Charnock, 
not out of a mere whim, but after careful consideration. The experience 
of more than half a century had convinced the English that their trade 
in Bengal would never prosper without a fortified settlement as its 
centre. In 1686 they set about the discovering of a spot suitable for 
such a fortification. After repeated trials Charnock came to the con- 
clusion that the required spot was Sutanuti, and here out of deference to 
his views and in spite of much adverse criticism, the foundation-stone of 
the British Empire in India was at last laid. And Charnock chose not 
only deliberately, but also wisely. Calcutta was the fit place for the 
English purposes from two distinct points of view. Not only was it 
strategically safe, but it was also an excellent commercial centre. The 
military advantages have been sufficiently dwelt upon ; what were the 
other advantages, will appear from the history of the place previous 
to the arrival of the English. 

The capital of British India did not, as some seem to think, spring 
up, like Jonah's gourd, in a single night. Calcutta, or at any rate that 
portion of the Hugli where Calcutta now stands, has a history, and the 
city is the growth of many centuries. At first the place was merely a 
group of villages to all appearance, not distinguishable in any way from 
hundreds of other riverside places. There was, however, this difference, 


that at the point where these villages stood in the 16th century, the 
stream became much shallower and less accessible to sea-going vessels. 
As long as the local trade was carried on in small boats, this was of little 
importance, and Satgaon, on the Sarasvati, near the modern Hugli, 
was the great centre of commerce. But when the Portuguese began 
to frequent the river, about 1530, this difference made itself felt. 
The foreigners did not care to risk their galliasses in the shallow waters, 
but sent their goods on to Satgaon in small boats. Meanwhile their ships 
lay at anchor in Garden Reach, and an important market sprang up on 
the west side of the river at Betor, close to Sibpur. This foreign market 
attracted native traders and merchants to the spot, and in particular, 
four families of Bysacks and one of Setts, leaving the then rapidly 
declining city of Satgaon, came and founded the settlement of 
Govindpur on the site of the present Fort William, and established the 
Sutanuti market, on the north side of Calcutta, where they did business 
with the Portuguese. Soon after this the Portuguese themselves going 
higher up the river abandoned Betor, and the whole of the trade was 
thus transferred to the east side of the river, from Betor to Sutanutl. 
Thus -the settling of the chief Bengal factory at Calcutta by the 
English was only the third stage in the early growth of the city, the 
two previous stages being the establishment of a commercial centre at 
Betor by the Portuguese, and the transference of this trade from Betor 
to Sutanutl, the market of the Setts and the Bysacks. It is the history 
of these first two stages that we have now to consider. 

Like other cities Calcutta has its legend. Long, long ago, in the 
" age of truth," Daksha, one of the Hindu patriarchs, made a sacrifice to 
obtain a son, but he omitted to invite the god Civa to come to it. 
Now Sati, the daughter of Daksha, was married to Civa, and she was 
indignant that so great an insult should be offered to her divine husband, 
and deeply grieved that such a slight should have been passed upon him 
through her kindred. In vain did she expostulate with her father. 
" Why," she asked, " is my husband not invited ? why are no offerings 
to be made to him ?" " Thy husband," was the reply, " wears a neck- 
lace of skulls ; how can he be invited to a sacrifice ?" Then, in grief 
and indignation, and shrieking out — "This father of mine is a villain; 
what profit have I then in this carcase sprung from him ? " she put an 
end to her life;^ and Civa, " drunk with loss," transfixed her dead body 
on the point of his trident and rushed hither and thither like a madman 

^ According to some authorities she burnt herself ; others say that she ended 
her life by means of Yoga. 


through the realms of creation. The whole world was threatened with 
destruction ; hut Vishnu, the preserver, carae to the rescue. He flung 
his discus at the body of SatI, and broke it into pieces, which fell 
scattered over the earth. Every place where any of these pieces, or 
any of the ornaments of Satl fell, became a sanctuary, a sacred spot 
full of the divine spirit of Sati. The names of these spots are pre- 
served in the garlands of sanctuaries. Some of them are well- 
known places of pilgrimage ; others are obscure and forgotten ; but 
to-day the most celebrated of them all is Calcutta, or rather Kalighat, 
the spot which received the toes of the right foot of Sati, that is of 

Such then appears to be the mythical origin of Calcutta, but, histor- 
ically, the English capital of India has grown up out of the union of 
a cluster of riverside places. The three hitherto recognised members of 
this cluster are Calcutta, Sutanuti, and Govindpur ; but, besides these, 
we must reckon among the elementary constituents of the city, 
Cliitpur and Salkhia, the sanctuary of Kalighat, and as the original 
focus of the trade. Betor, on the west bank of the river, close 
to the modem Sibpur. As regards two of these places, Siatanuti 
aud Govindpur, we are able to confidently say when and how they 
arose; as regards four of the others we may affirm with equal 
confidence that their origin is completely lost, for tlie villages of 
Salkhia, Chitpur, Calcutta, and Betor are all mentioned by the 
fifteenth and sixteenth century Bengali poets, and the pargand of 
"Kalkata" is found in earliest survey of the country; as regards 
the origin of Kaligliat, we can state nothing definitely, but we have a 
tradition which may as well be given here, for what it is worth. 
According to this, the founder of Kalighat was an ascetic, named 
Jangal Gir, who lived somewhere about the loth century. In those 
days the fashionable quarter of Calcutta, now known as Chowriagee, 
was covered with forest and tropical vegetation, and Jangal Grir was 
living there as a hermit of the woods. One evening he was performing 
his devotions by the bank of the Adi-Ganga, which was then a great 
stream flowing south of Calcutta, when suddenly a bright light 
shone round about him,^ and that same night, when he had gone 

* Babu G. D. Bysack's Kalighat and Calcutta, m the Calcutta Review, 
April 1891, p. 306. Kalighat and Calcutta are, as a matter of fact, totally 
different places. The names even are not connected, " Calcutta" being probably 
derived from some aboriginal language. 

"^ This is the tradition aocording to Babu Surjakumar Chatterji. Babu Gom 
Das Bjsack gives a different account. 


to sleep, the goddess Kali appeared to him in a dream, and told him 
that the spot was one of those holy places which had once received a 
portion of her severed body. The next day he dug up the ground, and 
proved the truth of his vision, The sacred emblems thus miraculously 
found were set up for worship in a small wooden house on the bank of 
the Adi-Ganga, but for a long while the sanctuary of Kalighat was 
unknown and unfrequented.^ 

A poem in praise of the Serpent-goddess written by an obscure 
Bengali author named Bipradas in the year 1495 A.D., when Husain 
Shah was the reigning sultan of Bengal, gives us our first authentic 
picture of Calcutta, Betor, and Kalighat.^ The hero of the story, Chand 
Sadagar, a hater of the Serpent-goddess, goes on a voyage from Bhagal- 
pur to the sea, and so gives occasion to the poet to describe the banks of 
the river as he knew them in his day. Chand Sadagar's small fleet of 
seven ships after passing Eajghat and Indraghat, Nadiya and Ambua, 
comes at last to Triveni, the famous junction of the Ganges, the 
Sarasvati, and the Jamuna. Here Chand the merchant landed on the 
bank to see the great city of Saptagram. " This is the home of the 
seven saints. Here all the gods reside. Here is the abode of all bliss, 
and no sorrow or misery enters. The saints and blessed ones have no 
troubled thoughts, but undisturbed perform their austerities and tell 
their beads without intermission. Here are found the Ganga and the 
Jamuna, and the wide flowing Sarasvati, and Uma Mahe9vari pre- 
sides over all. Overjoyed at the sight of the Ganges at Triveni, Prince 
Chand stayed his boat Madupara by the bank. Glad at heart, the king 
performed the ceremonies befitting a place of pilgrimage, and with 
devotion worshipped the god Mahecvari. Then, having finished his 
devotions, the king with joyful heart repaired to the city and compassed 
it round about. After staying there two days the king returned to his 
fleet. The boat reached Kumarhat. Hugli was passed on the right, and 
on the left Bhatpara. Boro stood on west bank, and on the east Kan- 
kinara. Rapidly they passed Mulajor and Gaiirulia on the east, while 
Paikpara and Bhadrecvar remained on the west; Champdani was passed 
on the right and Ichapur on the left. Often and often the king cried, 
Mow on ! Rote on ! and cherrily did they row, with Bankibazar on their 
left. Having passed Champdani, the king came into the place where 

» G. D. Bysack, op, cit , pp. 311 to 313. 

' See on article on Bipradas by Pandit H. P. (^ftstri in the Proceedings of 
the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1892, p. 1893. 


two streams met. In order due they paid their worship to the holy 
place of Nimai by the water side, where they found the Nlm tree with 
the China roses blooming on it. Away they went to the flood country, 
leaving behind them Chanak. Thence they rowed past Eamnan, Akna, 
andMaheca. Having prostrated himself at K.hardaha, the abode of 
the blest, the king proceeded. Again and again he cried out, Roio 
on ! Mow on ! Rishira was passed on the right and Sukehar on the left. 
With delight the king sped by Konnagar. Kotrang was passed on 
the right and Kamarhati on the left ; Ariadaha was on the east and 
Ghusuri on the west. At Chitpur the king worshipped the goddess 
Sarvamangala. Day and night the boat sped on ; they never neglected 
their duty. Rowing by the eastern bank the great and heroic Chand 
passed by Calcutta and arrived at Betor. The pious Chand Datta 
worshipped Betai Chauui, the presiding deity of Betor. In the boat 
the king's servants sang a song of delight. Various dainties they 
cooked and ate, and quickly passed Dhalanda. King Chand having 
worshipped Kalika at Kalighat, passed by Churaghat and Jayadhali. 
Passing by Dhanasthan with great curiosity they reached Baruipur.*' 
Here was a great whirlpool sacred to Kali, and here the serpent -god- 
dess put the Prince to great difficulty, raising a storm and sending an 
army of serpents. But overcoming all difficulties he entered the 
Hunia, reached Chhatrabhog, and so passing through Hatiagar made 
his way to the sea. 

Such is the story of Bipradas, a Bengali Brahmin, who was doubt- 
less well acquainted with the localities of which he here writes ; for the 
description contains indisputable marks of veracity, and, even if the 
author were unknown, would deserve acceptance on its own internal 
merits. It presents us with a picture which is in itself probable, and 
which agrees with what is to be learned from other sources. The time 
described is the end of the fifteenth century. Satgaon, not Hugli, is 
the great port ; lower down the river, Betor, on the right bank, is a 
large market town, where the voyagers stop to buy provisions and to 
worship the goddess Chandi. Chitpur and Calcutta are neighbouring 
villages which were passed just before reaching Betor. Govindp-ir and 
Sutanuti do not exist. Kalighat is a small sanctuary claiming just a 
bare notice. 

With the beginning of the sixteenth century we leave the dim 
twilight of legend and poem and reach the broad daylight of ascer- 
tained fact. The real history of Calcutta begins with the coming of 
the Europeans. On the 22nd November, 1497, Yasco da G-ama 

K 2 


doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and the Indian Ocean was opened to 
Western trade. In 1510, Albuquerque took Goa. By the year 
1530 the Portuguese began to frequent Bengal, and for the next 
century they remained the sole and undisputed masters of its 
foreign trade. It is under their commercial supremacy that the place 
which we now know by the name of Calcutta first began to have 
any importance, and it is to them that we are chiefly indebted 
for our first reliable information about the Hugli and its markets. 
The accounts of the river given us by contemporary native poets cannot 
be relied on unless they are support( d by writers such as De Barros or 
Caesar Frederick; but by comparing the various native and foreign 
statements, we may gain a large measure of historical certainty.^ 

When the Portuguese first came to Bengal, the two great centres 
of trade were Chittagoug in the east, and in the west Saptagram, or 
Satgaon.2 The former, on account of the convenience of its harbour for 
shipping of every kind, was distinguished as the Great Haven, or Porto 
Grande, and under favourable circumstances it might have retained 
its mercantile importance; but in an evil hour it became, as we shall 
see, the rendezvous of Feringi outlaws and pirates. The latter, which 
has now dwindled down to an insignificant group of huts in the neigh- 
bourhood of the modern town of Hugli, bad been for centuries a 
great and celebrated commercial emporium, and was known as the Little 
Haven, or Porto Piqueno. Hither came merchants, bringing wares to 
sell, from every part of Northern India. The bazars were filled with 
the busy hum of men, the river was crowded with boats. Hard by was 
Triveni, the resort of thousands of pilgrims eager to bathe in the all- 
cleansing stream, for at this sacred spot, the Ganges, the Jamuna, and 
the Sarasvati mingled their waters.' Between Satgaon and the sea, 
the main stream of the Ganges flowed along much the same course as 
does the Hugli of to-day ; but it had a good many important 
tributaries which have since either greatly diminished, or altogether 
disappeared. The Jamuna was -a considerable river, branching ofE to 
the east at Triveni, and so was the Sarasvati, which, flowing on the 
west of the Ganges, rejoined it lower down. Further on, at Ulubaria, 
was the threefold mouth of the Damodar. And to the south of this 
again, the Eupnarayan entered the Ganges, or Hugli, between 

^ I have already dealt with the topography of the Hugli in an article in the 
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXI, Part I, pp. 109 to 117. 
2 Van Linschoten, Hakluyt Society's edition of 1885, Vol. I, p. 95. 
» This is told us by all the early travellers and the early Bengali poets. 



Pichhalda and Hijili, or, as the Portuguese called it, *' Angeli.'* On 
the left side of the Hugli, opposite the Haven of Angels, was the 
Eogues' River coming from Arakan, the lurking-place of the pirate 
devils, who hid themselves in the deep channels watching their oppor- 
tunity to plunder the unwary voyager. Higher up, on the eastern 
side, another large tributary formed the northern boundary of the 
island and district of Pacuculi, and twenty miles higher still was the 
Adi-Ganga, then a large river leading south-eastwards to the sea, 
but now a poor shrunken nulla, which owes its continued existence to 
the enterprise of Colonel Tolly. It is by this stream that Bipradas 
conducts Chand to the sea, not, as some might suppose, because it was 
then the main channel, but rather because being shallow it was 
safer for small boats.^ 

So far the river was easily navigable by sea-going ships, but beyond 
this it was considered too shallow for any but country boats. Here 
then in Garden Reach was the great anchoring place of the Portuguese ; 
and at Betor, on the western bank, near Sibpur, every year, when the 
ships arrived from Goa, innumerable thatched houses were erected, 
markets were opened, and all sorts of provisions and stores brought to 
the waterside. Aji immense number of galliasses lay at anchor in the 
deep water waiting, while the small budgerows made their way up the 
river past Baranagar, Dakshinecvar, and Agrapara, to the Porto Piqueno 
at Satgaon, and returned filled with silks and muslin, lac, sugar, and 
rice. During these mouths the banks on both sides of the river were 
alive with people, and a brisk trade was carried on. But no sooner was 
the last boat come back from Satgaon, and her cargo safely shipped 
aboard the galliasses, than they set fire to the temporary houses and 
improvised markets of bamboo and straw, and the place vanished almost 
as suddenly as Aladdin's palace when carried off by the Jinnee. Away 
sailed the Portuguese back to Goa, leaving apparently no traces of their 
coming except burnt straw and ruined huts.^ And yet a careful observer 
might have noticed more important results, for here we can see being 
formed the nucleus of the future city of Calcutta. Attracted towards 
Betor by the magnetism uf the Portuguese trade, the various forces and 
influences which combined to produce the capital of India are seen 
assembling themselves together gradually, quietly, surely. Chitpur 
and Salkhia are filling with people : markets and landing- stairs are 

' See my article on the Hugli and the map of PeBarros. 
* Gaesar Frederick in Haklujt, edition of 1698, I, 230. 



built at Kuchinau and Calcutta. Eeligious enthusiasm conspires 
with commercial ardour. Betor is a sanctuary of the goddess Chandi ; 
and just across the river, on the banks of the Adi-Ganga, there are 
preserved in a small wooden shrine the petrified toes of the great Kali, 
which fell from heaven in the far-off age of truth, and which have been 
discovered at this spot by a holy recluse of the woods. 

To complete the picture of the river at this time, one more circum- 
stance remains to be mentioned. The coming of the Portuguese had 
its dark side. During the 16th century Chittagong was a place of 
retreat for fugitives and outlaws from Goa and its dependencies. Some 
of them became adventurers, and hired themselves out as soldiers to the 
native powers ; but the majority were neither more or less than pirates. 
" These people," says Bernier,^ " were Christians only in name. The 
lives led by them in Arakan were most detestable, massacring or 
poisoning one another without compunction or remorse. They scoured 
the neighbouring seas in light gallies, called galliasses, entered the 
numerous arms and canals of the Ganges, ravaged the islands of Lower 
Bengal, and often penetrating forty or fifty leagues up the country, 
surprised and carried away the entire population of villages on market 
days, and at times when the inhabitants were assembled for the celebra- 
tion of a marriage, or some other festival. The marauders made slaves 
of their unhappy captives and burnt whatever could not be removed. 
It is owing to these repeated depredations that we see so many fine 
islands in the mouth of the Ganges, formerly thickly peopled, now 
entirely deserted by human beings, and become the desolate receptacles 
of tigers and other wild beasts." 

During the 16th century we reach the second period in the history 
of the growth of Calcutta. Two events happened which greatly 
affected the fortunes of the river and its markets, the one being due 
to the enlightened policy of Akbar, the other to the blind working 
of nature. The existence of any great city standing by the waterside, 
" where Ganges rolls its widest wave," must always be precarious. 
For centuries perhaps it flourishes in continued wealth and import- 
ance. Then the river by some freak of nature changes its course, 
and the place is soon abandoned to the jackals. Such has been the fate 
of Gaur and many another once famed city. Such was the fate of 
Satgaon. From the beginning of the century its river had been grad- 
ually silting up. In the year 1540 its harbour was becoming difficult 

Aaasterdam edition of 1724, 1723, Vol. I, pp 233, 234. 


of access for ships. In 1565 it was still " a reasonable fair city " 
abounding with all things.^ But its commercial importance was visibly 
doomed. Its merchant princes, who had been wont to boast that they 
sat at home and grew rich while all the world came to them to trade, were 
one after another forced to take ship and seek elsewhere for their 
livelihood. The great majority removed only a short distance and 
settled down at Hugli. Others, more adventurous, made their way 
further down the river determined to profit by the growing trade of 
Betor, Amongst these were four families of Bysacks and one of 
Setts, who colonised the east bank of the Hugli, just above its junction 
with the Adi-G-anga, and founded the village of Govindpur. They 
cleared the jungle, excavated tanks, and built houses for themselves, 
and a shrine for their tutelary deity, Govindji, in whose honour they 
had named their settlement ; and in a short space of time they opened, 
on the north side of Calcutta, a place for the sale of oloth which was 
soon to become celebrated as Satanuti Hat, the Cotton Bale Market.* 
The descendants of these five pilgrim fathers have carefully preserved 
the genealogies of their families. They now reckon some fifteen or 
seventeen generations from the founders, so. that their migration must 
have occurred towards the middle of the sixteenth century.^ 

In thus establishing themselves at Govindpur there can be no doubt 
that the Setts and Bysacks were attracted by the foreign trade at Betor, 
and we are told that the first settlers did business with the Portuguese.* 
Great then must have been their dismay, when, not long after they 
had settled down, they found that the Portuguese themselves were 
going higher up the river, having been invited by the liberality 
of the emperor Akbar to form a permanent settlement at Hugli. 
The emperor, it is said, had heard strange stories about these "Western 
strangers who came year after year to Bengal, and was anxious to see 
one of their number. Accordingly, Captain Tavarez was sent up to 
the court at Agra, and was there received by Akbar with great favour. 
Permission was given him to select any spot he liked near Hugli, and 

» Caesar Frederick, in Hakluyt, I, 230. 

* The name of this place is not properly spelt " Chatanati." It is properly 
spelt "Sutanuti" and means Cotton-bale. " Sutanuti" is pronounced by Bengalis 
" Shutanuti," and this is transliterated in the old records Chutanuttee, just as 
"Shah" is transliterated " Cha" and " Shayista" "Cha-Est." The " ch" was 
of course meant to be pronounced soft as in Romance languages, the transliteration 
being in fact borrowed from the Portuguese. 

3 G. D. Bysack, op. cit., pp. 814, 315. 

* lb. 


there erect a permanent town, so that the Portuguese might settle 
there, and no longer come from year to year to live for a few months 
in temporary bamboo sheds. Full liberty was granted to build 
churches, and preach the gospel ; but, in return for this, the emperor 
demanded that the Portuguese should put a stop to the outrages and 
barbarities committed by their piratical countrymen.^ In pursuance 
of this arrangement the Portuguese established themselves at Hugli; 
and here Fitch^ found them permanently settled, when he came to 
Bengal in 1586. But the country was full of thieves, and so Fitch 
was compelled to go through the wilderness, and gives us no account 
of the river from Hugli to the sea. In 1599 the Portuguese ventured 
for the first time to build a fort and a church at Hugli, and effected 
new settlements in Dacca, Pipli, and other places. 

The character, however, of the foreign traders must have seriously 
hampered the whole commerce of the place, for the Portuguese were at 
the best dangerous people to deal with, and there was not so much 
difference between the merchants of Hugli and the pirates of Chittagong. 
"The Portuguese in Bengal," says Yan Liuschoten,^ writing in 1595, 
"live like wild men and untamed horses. Every man doth there what he 
will, and every man is lord and master. They pay no regard to justice, 
and in this way certain Portuguese dwell among them, some here, some 
there, and are for the most part such as dare not stay in India [i.e.y 
Groa] for some wickedness by them committed. Nevertheless there i§ 
great trafiic used in those parts by divers ships and merchants." 

But the days of the Portuguese, both for evil and for good, were 
rapidly drawing to a close. The merchants at Hugli had engaged to 
keep the gulf of Bengal clear of pirates, but they shamefully neglected 
their engagement. At length Shah Jahan determined to make a terrible 
example of these infidel thieves, who provoked him beyond measure by 
the encouragement they gave to violence and robbery, and by their 
refusal to release the numerous slaves in their service, though they were 
all of them his subjects. " He first exacted, by threats or persuasion, 
large suras of money from the Portuguese, and when they refused to 
comply with his ultimate demands, he besieged and took possession of 
their town, and commanded that the whole population should be 
transferred as slaves to Agra,"* 

' Hugh Murray's Discoveries and Travels in Asia, II, 98, 99, editiou of 1820, 

! In Hakluyt. edition of 1598, I, 257. 

' Hakluyt Society's edition of 1885, I, 95. 

* Bernier, I, 2.S6. 


The fall of Hugli took place in 1632. Seven years previously the 
Dutch had made their way to Bengal, and they at once stepped into 
the place of the fallen Portuguese and established themselves at Pipli 
and Chinsurah. As we have seen, the English, reaching the Bay a 
year later, did not at first venture to dispute with the Dutch or even 
the Portuguese.^ They contented themselves with Hariharapur and 
Balasor. It was not till the days of the great Protector Oliver that 
they ventured up the river to Hugli. 

Meanwhile the fortunes of Calcutta were slowly hut steadily rising. 
In the AiQ-i-Akhari the place is noticed as a district in the government 
of Satgaon, which, together with the districts of Barbakpur and Bakuya, 
paid into the imperial exchequer the annual sum of Rs. 23,405. 
Somewhere about the end of the sixteenth century forts were built at 
Betor and on the opposite bank to protect the upper part of the river from 
pirates and sea-rovers.- The strategic importance of the place was thus 
greatly increased, but its trade had now passed to the other side of the 
river and was in the hands of the Setts and Bysacks. In the seventeenth 
century Betor disappeared from history ; its name changed into the 
village of great Thana, its foreign market was transferred to SutauutL' 
Here the Setts and Bysacks gradually built up a European connection, 
particularly with the English, to whom they seem to have been especially 
friendly. "Whether the Bengali merchants ever invited the English 
to come and settle near them, we cannot say ; but the advantages of 
doing so must have been manifest, and it is clear that Garden Reach 
was always a favourite anchorage for the Company's ships. It is 
therefore not surprising that Charnock, when forced to leave Hugli, 
should have turned almost instinctively to Sutanuti as the place for 
the destined fortified settlement of the English. 

' The Portuguese were soon restored to favour. (See above page 18). The 
Emperor presented them with an assignment of land at Bandel, above Hugli. 
The J never, however, regained their old power. 

' Sedges' Diary, II, 237. 

^ In the Armenian Churchyard, Calcutta, there is a tombstone dated the 11 th 
July 1639. This has been taken as showing that the Armenians were established 
in Calcutta as early as 1630. The inference, however, does not seem valid. 
1. The instance is isolated, No other tombstones in the churchyard are dated 
earlier than the eighteenth century. It is suggested that there may be other 
equally early tombstones beneath the floor of the church, but I do Jiot see any 
reason to suppose this. 2. There is nothing to show that the sbona is in siiu. 
It may well have been brought to Calcutta from elsewhere. An inscribed stone 
has recently been found in St. John's Churchyard which must somehow have 
come there from China. 3. Even if the stone is in situ, it does not prove the 
existence of an Armenian colony. In India a person must be buried where he 
dies. If an Armenian voyager died in a ship near Calcutta, it would be neces- 
sary to bury the body there. (See Hedges' Diary, II, 233.) 





1690 TO 1693. 

The foundation of Calcutta marks the beginning of the fourth 
period in the history of the English in Bengal, the period in which 
their trade is established on a fixed basis and their poKcy of armed in- 
dustrialism definitely formulated. We shaU here be concerned with 
the first twenty years of this settling down. 

Now that the right commercial policy bad been adopted and the 
right commercial centre found, though the old difficulties recurred, they 
rather helped than hindered the English purposes. They quarrelled 
among themselves as of old, with the result that their numbers were 
doubled. The rebellion of (^ubha Singha was the occasion of the 
foundation of Fort William. Their disputes with Aurangzeb and 



Mursliid Uuli only served to convince them of tlie strength of their 
position on the Hugli. 

In spite of the favour shown them by the nabob Ibrahim, the 
situation of the English at Calcutta was at first miserable in the 
extreme. As the result of the policy pursued by William III., they 
found themselves immediately involved in an attack upon the com- 
mercial interests of the French,^ and on September 5th, 1690, they 
were compelled to proclaim at SutanutI a war, of which they could 
only remain passive spectators, while rival fleets carried on a desul- 
tory struggle in Indian waters. Far from being fit to take part in 
offensive operations, they had hardly any means of defence, or even 
subsistence. The buildings which they had occupied two years pre- 
viously had been plundered and burnt. Only three ruined mud huts 
remained. The rain fell incessantly day and night, forcing them 
to take refuge in sloops and country boats, and there wait till the 
commonest necessaries of life could be sent them from Hugli. Nor 
did their position improve for many months. So late as May 1691, 
we are told that "they could dispose of little, nor have they safe 
godowns to secure them from damage, and the truth is they live 
in a wild unsettled condition at Chuttinuttee, neither fortifyed houses 
nor goedowns, only tents, hutts and boats, with the strange charge of 
near 100 soldiers, guardship, &c." ^ 

The many hardships he had undergone during his long sojourn in 
India now seem to have taken effect upon Job Oharnock. His health 
gave way, habits of indolence crept over him, his spirit failed him, his 
temper grew moody and savage, the reins of government slipped from 
his relaxing fingers. On the 10th January 1693 he died, leaving the 
management of the struggling settlement to Francis Ellis, the man who 
ten years before had been dismissed from the service by Agent Hedges 
for corrupt dealings, but who had been reinstated by President GyfEord.^ 

Under him things went from bad to worse, the difiiculties of the 
English being greatly increased by the action of Aurangzeb. The late 
war had shown that a naval power could best wound the Indian 
Empire by attacking the ships sailing between the West Coast and 
Arabia, and in consequence of this knowledge adventurers had estab- 
lished themselves in the Eed Sea for the purpose of plundering the 
Mogul vessels. These pirates, for such they were, had nothing to 

^ The French had settled at Chandannagar in 1688 under an edict of 
Aurangzeb . 

-^ Hedges' B'lary, II, 87, 88. 
3 11^^ II, 92, 93. 



do with tlie English Company, who looked upon them as a new species 
of interlopers, but Aurangzeb in his anger held all Europeans alike 
responsible for the outrages thus committed, and was provoked to 
guspend their privileges. Fortunately for Calcutta the English there 
suffered less than might have been expected, owing to the friendly 
disposition of the local authorities. Still their operations were 
retarded, and their trade could only be carried on secretly.^ 

On the 12th August, Sir John Goldsborough, Commissary-General 
and Chief Governor of the Company's settlements, arrived at Sutanuti 
intent upon reforming its growing abuses. The worthy Captain has 
left us an unfavourable estimate of Charnock's character and a melan- 
choly picture of the state of the things prevailing in 1693. Chamock 
had contracted for an investment far in excess of what he could possibly 
pay for. He had marked out no place for the factory, but allowed 
every one to enclose lands, dig tanks, and build houses where and how 
they pleased. " He was poisoned with the expectation of a new Com- 
pany ; which 3Jj. Braddyl upon some occasioii had the confidence to tell 
him ; in a little time he would not be his ' worship,' but * Mr. Chamock, ' 
and then he would require satisfaction of him. This affront Mr. 
Chamock swallowed very patiently, as fearing it would be so, and the 
law courts at Madras scared him exceedingly, so that he was afraid to 
think of medling with anybody." Yet at the same time we are told 
that "he loved everybody should be at difference, and supported a 
Serjeant that set them to duelling." The whole settlement was in the 
hands of Hill, the Secretary and Captain of the soldiers, a dissolute 
fellow who had opened a house for the entertainment of strangers of all 
sorts, and " was allowed to keep a punch house and billiard table gratis 
while others paid for it." ^ 

Such is the unfavourable account which Goldsborough gives of the 
father of Calcutta, and later critics have been content to echo it. Char- 
nock's talent and services, we are told, were greatly overrated. The man 
was honest, no doubt, but withal indolent and indecisive, timid and obse- 
quious, with a low trick of casting the blame of his own failure upon the 
shoulders of others. "We must, however, remember that Goldsborough's 
adverse opinion, though given in all honesty, was founded upon the 
reports of detractors and the bad impression produced by the few last 
years of Chamock's weakness. The charges of indolence, irresolution, 

' Stewart's Bengal, p. 206. 
' Redges Diary, II, 92, 93. 

142 JOB charnock's character. 

and disorderliness will not lie against Charnook's earlier life. He 
was no doubt sometimes disposed to take life easily and to side with his 
friends in their private quarrels, but not more so than his contemporaries. 
On the contrary, at the crisis of his life, when Hedges was dismissed 
from the agency, we see Charnock taking the right side, and prefer- 
ring vigorous action and self-sacrifice. When others wished to tem- 
porise and thought of their selfish interests, he was for breaking 
with the native powers, and thus deliberately gave his adhesion to the 
policy of the man who was his private enemy. But, it is said, he was 
pusillanimous in the war which followed. On this point let the actual 
story of the struggle decide. The man who, without waiting for all 
his forces to assemble, attacked the Mogul troops at Hugli, seized 
Sutanuti, held out in the face of tremendous odds at Hijili, and in 
the end succeeded in outwitting his opponents, would seem to deserve 
blame rather for rashness than for cowardice. But he did not seize 
Chittagong. Charnock was not a military genius; and even if he 
had been, it is doubtful whether Chittagong could have been taken 
with the forces at his disposal. In fact, Charnock had the wisdom to see 
that a settlement on the banks of the Hugli would be more suitable to 
the requirements of the English trade. Accordingly, after trying HijiH 
and finding it too unhealthy, he fixed upon Sutanuti as the best place 
available. In what way he would have used the forces which reached 
Bengal in 1688 for the purposes of fortifying and securing his position 
we cannot tell. He was superseded by Captain Heath, and the 
opportunity never returned. The building of Fort "William was 
reserved for other hands. But the fact remains that Charnock, and 
Charnock alone, founded Calcutta. Many of his contemporaries failed 
to see the need of such a measure ; others saw it, but the Court would 
not trust them, or give them the necessary means. In Charnock 
the Court reposed an almost unwavering confidence. He wished to 
make a fortified settlement at Sutanuti, and in the end the settlement 
was made. In short, Charnoct possessed the one rare but absolutely 
needful virtue of disinterested honesty, — a virtue which must have been 
at this time difficult to retain ; a virtue which must have raised up 
against him scores of secret enemies ; a virtue which makes us slow to 
believe evil of one who, in spite of all petty detraction, will always 
occupy a place amongst those who have the sovereign honour of being 
founders of states and commonwealths. Coarse and wilful he may 
well have been, for he seems to have been imperfectly educated ; and he 
passed an unprecedented length of years in Indian service. But for 
my part I prefer to forget the minor blemishes, and to remember only 


his resolute determination, his clear sighted wisdom, his honest self- 
devotion, and so leave him to sleep on in the heart of the city which 
he founded, looking for a blessed resurrection and the coming of Him 
by Whom alone he ought to be judged. 

The worthy Commissary- General, Sir John Goldsborough, lost 
no time in setting about his work of reform. He fouud that 
Ellis, who had been appointed to succeed Charnock, was a man 
of little character or ability, his weakness being so well-known 
that he had lost the respect of Europeans and Natives alike. The 
only one of the Company's servants in Bengal who appeared to be 
at all fit to be chief of the settlement was Charles Eyre, of whom there 
was little to complain, except that he was much addicted to the country 
habits and customs. He was accordingly summoned to SQtanuti 
to replace the incompetent EUis.^ As for Captain Hill, the Commis- 
sary- General dismissed him summarily from all but the Company's 
service, and ordered him to Madras.^ The military establishment was cut 
down to two sergeants, two corporals, a drummer and twenty men, 
and the paymaster was told that the soldiers were to have only Es. 4 
each a month, which, considering the plentif ulness and cheapness of 
food, was great wages. By this and other similar reforms Golds- 
borough effected a retrenchment of nearly Rs. 4,000 a year in the 
expenses of the settlement.^ He also did what he could to provide 
proper buildings for the Company's business. He ordered a piece of 
ground to be inclosed with a mud wall whereen to build a factory as 
soon as the native government should allow of it, and he intended to 
add four upper rooms to the house which had been bought for the 
Company, so that the accountants and secretaries might be brought 
within a brick house with their books and papers which were then lyino- 
scattered about in thatched houses Kable to catch fire every day.* 
Neither was Goldsborough pleased with the religious condition of 
the place. He found that the merchants and factors were marrying 
black wives who were Eoman Catholics, and in his opinion their husbands 
were too much under the influence of the Augustinian Friars. Without 
more ado, he turned the Roman priests out of Stitanuti, and pulled 
down their Mass house.^ But iu the midst of these plans and hopes the 

' Hedges' Diary, II, 93. 
' Ih., II, 92. 
' Ih., II, 92, 93. 

* lb., II, 94. 

* Hjde's Bengal Chaplainry in the reigns of William and Mary and Anne, 
Indian Church Quarterly, Vol. V. 


worthy man was overtaken by a fatal sickness, and before November was 
ended the disorders of Sutanuti had ceased to trouble him.^ 

It is significant of the distrust with which Goldsborough regarded 
Ellis and the merchants at Sutanuti that he took the precaution 
of keeping the intended change of government a profound secret. 
It was not till two months after his death, when the ships had 
received their despatches and Eyre had reached Calcutta, that the orders 
which had been left in the hands of Captain Robert Dorrill, were made 
public and put into execution. ''On the 25th January 1694, all the 
Rt. Hon'ble Company's servants were summoned to appear to hear the 
said orders read, which was accordingly done, and the charge of the 
Agency taken from Mr. Francis Ellis and delivered to Mr. Charles 
Eyre, and likewise the Rt. Hon'ble Company's papers, as bills of 
debt, obligations, cash-book, &c., were demanded of said Mr. Francis 
Ellis, which he promised to deliver up as soon as possible, his weakness 
at present not permitting him to proceed therein any further than the 
delivery up of the Rt. Hon'ble Company's cash, which amounts to 
Rupees 22,748-3-8.-"2 rpj^g subsequent conduct of the agent chosen 
and appointed in this unusual manner, justified the expectations formed 
of him. He did his best to maintain and promote the good order 
which had been restored by the Commissary, and under his management 
the situation of affairs in Bengal began to improve. He respected 
the memory of the Father of Calcutta, whose daughter Mary he 
married, and over whose remains he raised the massive octagonal 
mausoleum, which still stands in St. John's Churchyard.^ 

During the year 1694 we get our last views of Tom Pitt, the 
notorious interloper, just before he turns into the Governor of Madras, 
and of Chaplain Evans, the merchandising parson, destined eventually 
to become Bishop of Bangor. Evans had gone to Madras with 
Charnock in March 1689, and while there had been dismissed for his 
inegular commercial dealings. In June 1693 he had managed to 
escape from the place on the Armenian Ship >S^. Marlif and reaching 
Sutanuti while Ellis was in power, had been allowed by that incompe- 
tent officer to go on to Hugli> Pitt, now member of parliament for Old 
Sarum, had reached Bengal on the Seymour in the October of 1693, 

' Hedges' Diary, II, 96. 
2 Ji, 11,94, 125. 

^ Hyde on the ChamocTc Mausoleum, Proceedings of the Anatic Society of 
Bengal, March 1893, pp. 79 to 81. 

* Hyde's First Bengal Chaplain. 


and Sir John Groldsborough had done his best to frustrate the " pyrott," 
and Lad directed Captain Dorrill * to arrest him and stop his trade. 
But it was all in vain. A little judicious bribery by the interloping 
Captain proved more eflBcacious than the most convincing arguments 
addressed by the Company's Commissary-General to the Nabob of Dacca. 
In spite of Goldsborough and his successor Eyre, the people of the 
country countenanced and encouraged the interlopers who had establish- 
ed themselves at Hugli and enjoyed every facility for buying and 
selling.2 In February 1694, Parson Evans sailed from Sutanuti for 
England on Dorrill's ship the Charles II. ^ The other interlopers con- 
tinued their trading undisturbed. As a last resort Eyre had recourse 
to violence, hoping that by a display of force he might arouse the 
attention of the nabob and induce him to move against Pitt. 
For this purpose he sent up his sergeant and twenty men to Hugli with 
orders to arrest, not the interlopers, but a certain Messenger who had 
unlawfully taken possession of a house adjoining the interlopers and 
against whom a warrant had been received from Madras. The man 
and his gocds were seized and a certain amount of bickering and 
fighting followed, but no substantial result was obtained. In the end 
Pitt gained the day ; for the Court having received a new Charter 
from Wniiam III. had at this time resolved to come to terms with the 
interlopers, and wrote out to its agents to that effect. Wherefore at 
the beginning of 1695 Mr. Pitt left Bengal, returned to the Parliament 
and the India House in London, and though unrepentant was pardoned 
for the sin of interloping.* 

The only other event worthy of record during the first year of 
Eyre's rule is a memorable catastrophe on the river, the loss of the 
Royal James and Mary on the fatal shoal which still bears the name. 
She had arrived from Sumatra in August with a cargo of behars, pepper, 
and redwood candy, which she took in at Madras ; but coming up the 
river, on the 24th September, she struck upon the weU-known sand, 
turned over immediately, broke her back, and was lost with four or five 
of her men. As soon as the news of the accident was received, the 

» It is probable, but not absolutely certain, that this Captain liobert Dorrill, 
the confidant and righthand man of Sir John Goldsborough, is the same as 
Dorrell, the interloping Captain of the Croirn, on which Pitt took his cargo in 1682. 
As Yule points out, the division between Company's servants and interlopers was 
not so very great, and their hostility to each other was official and perfunctory. 

» Sedges' Dlarv. Ill, 18 to 22, 

' Hydes' First Bengal Chaplain. 

* Sedges' Diiry, III, 22 to 24, 31, 32. 

146 THE YEAR 1695. 

master of attendance, Captain Hampton, was ordered to go to the 
assistance of her crew with the Mary Buoyer, the " Europe " ship's long 
boats and seamen. Several boats from the shore, and as many lascars 
as could be spared from the different ships, were also sent off. 
But after many days' labour they found that they could do no more 
than save the guns and rigging and a small portion of her cargo. 
The ship herself was a total wreck, and was sold as she lay with the 
long boat for 1,500 rupees.^ 

The year 1695 is even less eventful than its predecessor. 
The diary of the year, which is extant, contains little else than accounts. 
Still even from these meagre resources a certain amount of infor- 
mation may be gleaned giving local colour to our picture of this 
time. The Council meets on Thursdays. It consists of four members, 
Charles Eyre, John Beard, Roger Braddyll, and Edward Cornell. 
The Secretary, who is not a member of the Council, is Jonathan White. 
The usual entries regularly occur. Money is invested, soldiers are sent 
every now and then up the river to rescue some unfortunate boat 
which has been stopped on its way to Calcutta, ships come and go, 
and the accounts of the settlement are duly brought in month by 
month. From tbem we learn that Samuel Shaw was allowed to keep 
a public house on payment of twenty rupees a month, and that Mrs. 
Domingo Ash was licensed to distil arrack. The revenues of Calcutta 
amount to some seventy or eighty rupees a month, being derived partly 
from the rent of shops, partly from fines and fees, and partly from 
duties levied on hemp, grain, salt, and other petty wares. The chief 
expenses connected with the town are for servants, most of whom are 
employed as police, and whose wages come to nearly seventy rupees a 
month. In November we have given us a list of all the Company's 
servants in Bengal. Besides the Council and the Doctor, Francis 
Simson, tbe establishment consists of six senior merchants, three mer- 
cbants, seven factors, and f our. writers.^ 

Meanwhile the Court at home had been revolving great schemes for 
their new settlement. They directed that the revenues of the place 
should be carefully developed and the Madras plan gradually introduced. 
Interlopers were to be obstructed and driven away, but without 
violence. A thousand tons of saltpetre was always to be kept in store, 
and a large quantity of Bengal silk. For the better regulation 

> Hedges' Diary, II, 133. 

♦ Chutanuttee Diary, 1694-5. India Office Records. 


of the settlement a oourt of judicature was to be established to take 
cognisance of disputes between the Company's servants.^ Eyre was 
obliged to point out to the Court that these schemes were a little too 
large for the present. In obedience to their wishes the factories had 
been withdrawn from Dacca and Malda ; the first thing to do was to 
re-establish them. It was premature to talk of establishing a 
court of judicature at Sutanuti, seeing that the tenure of the 
English there was still precarious and the revenues only amounted to 
a hundred and sixty rupees a month. Nothing could be done without 
an imperial rescript defining the Company's right to a seat of trade, 
and with this purpose he had endeavoured to obtain the lease of two or 
three towns adjoining Sutanuti at the rent of two or three thousand 
rupees a year.- 

In the year 1696 events happened in Bengal which gave the English 
the very opportunity for which they had so long waited. A Hindu 
landowner in the district of Burdwan, named Cubha Singha, being 
dissatisfied with the government, broke out into rebellion and invited 
Hahim Khan, an Afghan chief, to march from Orissa and join him in 
his attempt. The two malcontents, having united their forces, advanced 
to Burdwan, slew the raja Krishna Ram in battle, and seized his family 
and property. His son Jagat Eai alone escaped to Dacca, where he 
laid his complaints before the nabob. But his Highness was engaged 
with his books, and his Highness's commanders, intent upon mak- 
ing money, considered the matter of little importance. While they 
hesitated and delayed, the rebel force rapidly increased in numbers, 
marched upon Hugli, and took it. Still his Highness remained in- 
active. He could only repeat that civil war was a dreadful evil, and 
that the rebels, if let alone, would soon disperse. What was the use, 
then, of fighting? Why should he wantonly destroy the lives of 
God's creatures ? Why could he not be left to read his Gulistdn in 
peace ? Such being the sentiments of the nabob, the three European 
settlements in Bengal perceived that they must shift for themselves, 
raised bodies of native troops without delay, and wrote to Dacca asking 
for permission to fortify their factories. The nabob in reply ordered 
them in general terms to defend themselves, and thus tacitly permitted 
the construction of the forts at Chinsura, Chandannagar, and Calcutta. 

But the rebels were not suffered to have it all their own way. 
Seeing the whole country round him given up to plunder and heading 

^ Brace's Annals, III, 144. 

' lb„ III, 171 to 173. In reality the revenue was not hondred rupees a month. 

L 2 


daily the cries of the unhappy inhabitants who implored his protection, 
the Governor of the Dutch factory at Chinsurah fitted out two ships of 
war^ anchored them opposite Hugli, and filing broadsides upon the 
marauders drove them out of the place. Then a blow was struck by 
the hand of a woman, the young daughter of the murdered Krishna 
Earn, whom Cubha Singha had carried ofE captive to Burdwan. Here 
was enacted once again the old, old story of man's brutality and 
woman's constancy. Cubha Siogha, after flattering and entreating in 
vain, at last had recourse to violence. But the girl, driven to extremi- 
ties, plucking from her dress a sharp knife, stabbed the wretch to death 
through his body and then plunged the point in her Own heart. 
At Maqsudabad another heroic spirit showed itself in the person of 
Ni'amut Khan, a gallant officer in the Imperial service, who held a royal 
grant of lands, and who resolutely refused to espouse the cause of his 
master's enemies. Incensed at the opposition, Rahim Khan, at the 
head of a band of Afghan horse, turned to destroy the faithful subject. 
As the rebels drew near the estate of Ni'amut, his nephew, well mounted 
and armed, advanced and challenged any of the Afghans to a single 
combat ; but the whole body fell upon him and cut him to pieces. Then 
Ni'amut Khan, though dressed only in a thin vest of muslin, seized his 
sword, mounted his horse, and rushed forth to meet the foe. Singling 
out the rebel chief, he spurred up to him and struck him full on the 
head, but the blade fell shivered by the impenetrable helmet. With 
all the force of disappointed rage he flung the sword hilt at the 
Afghan and felled him from his horse ; then dismounting he seized his 
enemv's dagger and tried to pierce his throat. Once more he failed. 
The chain armour stopped the point, and before he could stab again he 
was surrounded and slain. ^ 

Such isolated acts of daring could do but little to check the flowing 
tide of anarchy and rebellion. MaqsiJdabad fell, and so too did 
Bajmahal and Malda. Cassimbazar yielded up itself without a 
struggle; the Thana fort was closely beset. By March 1697 the 
Afghan held the whole of the land west of the Ganges.^ 

When the emperor learnt of these events through the ordinary 
public news-letter, his surprise and indignation were unbounded. He 
instantly recalled Ibrahim Khan and appointed his grandson, 'Azimu- 
sh-Shan, in his stead. In the meantime he ordered the nabob's son 
Zabardast Khan to take the field and extirpate the rebels. The 

1 Stewart's Bengal, pp. 207 to 209. 
" lb., p. 210. 


young general, who had beheld with impatience the apathy of his 

father, was nothing loth.^ During the month of April he quickly got 
together his forces at Dacca and advanced to meet Eahim Khan on the 
river Bhagwangola. His cavalry, sent on in advance, speedily recover- 
ed Rajmahal and Malda. In May, the whole army being come up with 
the rebels, he attacked them by land and by river, cannonaded them» 
routed them, and plundered their camp. Then, joined on all sides by 
the inhabitants, who had shaken 08. their fear of the enemy, he pursued 
the Afghans to Burdwan, and was hunting them from place to place, 
when he received an order from 'Azimu-sh-Shan commanding him 
to stay further movements till tlie prince himself should arrive. 
Understanding the jealousy which prompted this order, Zabardast 
Khan, after paying his respects to the grandson of the emperor, with- 
drew from Bengal with his father. The prince, left to himself, after 
wasting much time in foolish negotiation, and so losing an envoy 
and his escort through treachery, had the glory of seeing an Arab 
ofi&cer throw Eahim Khan from his horse and cut oflp his head. All 
that was left for 'Azimu-sh-Sban to do was to distribute honours to 
his lieutenants and alms to the poor, and thank Grod he was rid of 
a knave.2 

The part played by the English at Calcutta in these events was 
subordinate, but not unimportant. On the 23rd December 1696, 
finding that the rebels, who occupied the opposite bank of the river, 
were growing " abusive," they ordered the Diamond to ride at anchor off 
Sutanuti Point and keep them from crossing the stream. They also 
had lent the Thomas to the governor of the Thana fort to lie off it as a 
guardship. On receiving full instructions from Madras, they set to 
work to build walls and bastions round their factory, and in January 
1697, reported that they were employed in fortifying themselves, but 
wanted proper guns for the points, and desired the people at Madras to 
send at least ten guns for present use. At the beginning of April, a 
neighbouring rajah secretly deposited the sum of forty-eight thousand 
rupees with the agent for safe custody, and a week or two afterwards 
the late governor of Hugli honoured Calcutta with a visit. In May, 
learning that the rebels were all dispersed, they got rid of the band of 
fifty native gunners which they had raised, but continued building 
their fort, and substituted a structure of brick and mud for the old 
thatched house which used to contain the Company's stores and 

' Stewart's Bengal, p. 210. 

2 Ih., pp. 211, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217. 


provisions. In June they sent Khojah Sarhad, an influential 
Armenian mercliant, with a present to the camp of Zabardast Khan to 
apply for help against interlopers, and to ask that the property of the 
English at Rajmahal and Malda, which had been recovered from the 
rebels, should be restored to its original owners.^ 

These negotiations produced very little result. Zabardast Khan 
refused to restore any of the goods, and the English had to turn to 
'Azimu-sh-Shan. Towards the end of the year Khojah Sarhad,^ 
together with Mr. Stanley and Mr. Walsh, appeared in the camp of the 
Prince at Burdwan for the purpose of advocating the English claims. 
Here they met with better success. 'Azimu-sh-Shan was lazy and 
covetous. He was ready to concede anything for a sufficient bribe. 
Accordingly, in July 1698, for the sum of sixteen thousand rupees, the 
English procured letters patent from the Prince allowing them to pur- 
chase from the existing holders the right of renting the three villages 
of Calcutta, Sutanati, and G-ovindpur. The grant, after some delay in 
order that it might be countersigned by the Treasurer, was carried into 
execution, and the security of Calcutta, which began with the permission 
to -build a fort, was now completely assured, to the great satisfaction and 
credit of Eyre, under whose auspices these advantages had been gained. 
Nearly two years later the Prince also renewed the permission which 
the English had to trade free of custom, but at that time Eyre was no 
longer agent. His five years of rule came to an end on the 1st Febru- 
ary 1 699, when he delivered over charge to John Beard and departed 
for England.^ 

' Ghutanuttee Diary for 1696-7- India Office Records. 

2 lb., 1H96-7. 

^ Stewart's Bengal, p. 215. 



1698 TO 1700. 

The Court had hardly succeeded in overcoming its various diffi- 
culties in India and in placing the trade in Bengal upon a sure footing, 
when it found itself called upon to encounter a new danger in the 
shape of a rival company. For years had they contended with all 
their might and by every means in their power against interlopers. 
Before the revolution they had invoked the authority of the Crown ; 
after the accession of William III. they applied to Parliament to 
authorise their rights and privileges by a special Act. But for various 
reasons Parliament demurred to their requests. Its attention was 
occupied with the war against France. It wanted to raise money by a 
Land Bank. The Court, therefore, understanding that the Government 
were in urgent need of money offered to advance seven hundred thou- 
sand pounds, at four per cent, interest for the public service, provided 
that their Charter should be confirmed by Act of Parliament, and 
the Indian trade legally settled on them. In opposition to them, a 
number of private merchants applied to Parliament against the old 
Company's monopoly, and, on condition that they should have the 
exclusive trade to India vested in them without being obliged to trade 



on a Joint Stock, proposed to advance the nation no less than two 
millions, at eight per cent, interest. The larger offer carried the day. 
In spite of all the efforts of the old Company an Act was passed by 
the Legiblature in the year 1698, " for raising a sum not exceeding two 
millions, upon a fund, for payment of annuities after the rate of eight 
pounds per cent., and for settling the trade to the East Indies." ^ 
On the 3rd September the King, in accordance with the provisions of 
Act, incorporated the subscribers to these two millions by a Eoyal 
Charter uuder the name of the General Society trading to the East 
Indies.^ Two days afterwards it became necessary to incorporate the 
majority of the subscribers by another charter to be one exclusive com- 
pany trading on a Joint Stock under the name of the English Com- 
pamj trading to the East Indies.^ The old Company were now obliged 
to assume a less popular title, and henceforth were to be known as the 
London Compamj. They were to be allowed to trade to India till the 
29th September 1701, but no longer.* But, though the voice of au- 
thority had thus complacently decided the speedy extinction of the 
London Company, the commercial spirit of the elder association, far 
from" being depressed, was actually refreshed and invigorated.^ The 
puny bantling of the Parliament was only kept alive with the greatest 
diflBculty. Before the year had closed the English Company had 
quite lost confidence in their own speculation, and in March 1699 they 
actually proposed a coalition, which, however, was rejected as inad- 
missible by the London Company.^ Disappointed in this project, as a 
last resort, they obtained permission from the King to send Sir William 
Norris as his ambassador to the Great Mogul, with the object, it would 
seem, of securing for themselves the favour of the Indian Government, 
or at any rate doing what they could to ruin their rivals.'^ 

The old Company was accustomed to deal with Indian princes 
through commercial agents. Only once in the early days of its history 
had it made use of the services of a royal ambassador. In the time of 
James I., Sir Thomas Eoe had spent many weary years at the Court 
of Jahangir trying to promote and safeguard his country's interests, 
and had returned disgusted at the smallness of the results achieved. 

^ "Bruce s Annals, III, 252 to 256. 

2 Ih., Ill, 257. 

3 lb., Ill, 258. 

* lb. Ill, 258. 

* lb.. Ill, 266. 

* lb.. Ill, 260. 
? /fc., 111,261. 


" I had words enough," he remarked, " but such delays in effect that 
I am weary of flatteries as of ill-usage." ^ The English Company, 
however, was determined to avoid what it considered to he the error 
of the other, and to deal with Aurungzeb, not through paltry native 
attorneys, but through the dignified medium of an envoy duly accre- 
dited by William III. 

But the experiences of Norris were no better than those of Sir 
Thomas Roe: rather worse. Arriving on the east coast of India at 
the end of 1 699,^ he spent a whole year fruitlessly in trying to make 
his way into the interior.^ In December 1700, he reached Surat 
from Masulipatam, and by means of large bribes, managed to secure 
a public entry in state.* At the beginning of the next year, on the 
26th January, he set out on his journey to the Mogul's camp with a 
retinue of sixty Europeans and three hundred natives. On the way 
he passed through Burhanpur, where the Imperial vizier was staying, 
and desired to pay him a visit. But as the ambassador's dignity 
would not allow him to go without his drums and trumpets, and the 
vizier's dignity would not allow of his reception with these ceremonies, 
the meeting never took place.^ In April he reached the court, and 
went to his audience with Aurungzeb in a procession such as his soul 
loved. First came the presents duly guarded, big carts with brass artil- 
lery, small carts %sith broadcloth, glassware and horses. These were 
followed by a varied display of ambassadorial pomp, the Union Jack, 
red flags, white flags, and blue flags, crests and coats of arms, state horses 
and state palanquins, music, trumpets, and kettle-drums, servants, 
soldiers and officers. Immediately in front of his Excellency's em- 
broidered palanquin rode his Excellency's master of the horse, carrying 
the sword of state pointed up. On each side were two pages, and 
behind came his Excellency's two secretaries and his Excellency's trea- 
surer, wearing a golden key.^ The court of Aurungzeb were very glad, 
indeed, to hear of the rival company and to welcome such a rare bird as 
a royal ambassador ; and having in their usual way granted him all 
his requests and fed him fat with vain hopes, they proceeded to 
pluck his feathers. Just as the Emperor had given orders to make out 

' Hedges' Diary, III, 1/3. 

' Bruce's Annals, III, 321. 

' lb., ni, 345, 346, 374, 396 to 401. 

* Ih., UI, 374, 375. 

» Ih., ni, 404 to 406. 

» Ih., Ill, 462 to 464. 


the necessary grants and patents, diflSculties arose as to matters of 
detail. Officers sprang up who raised objections at every turn and 
expected to be bribed. His Excellency now awoke to the fact that the 
king, lords, and commons of England were held very cheap in India ; 
that the favours of the Moguls like those of parliament, would go to the 
men who ofiPered most; and that as there were two companies the bid- 
ding was expected to be good.^ Out of funds and out of temper the 
ambassador left the Court to return to Surat, but was some months placed 
by the vizier under arrest. It was not till the middle of 1702 that he 
could set sail for his native land, which, however, he was never to see 
again. The unfortunate man was seized with dysentery while on the 
voyage, and died at St. Helena.^ 

About the same time as Sir William Norris was started on his 
bootless errand to the Mogul, Sir Edward Littleton was sent out to be 
the New Company's president and agent in the Bay. The members 
nominated for his Council were Richard Trenchfield, Eobert Hedges, 
and Greorge Gay. Of this party three at least were discharged servants 
of the old Company. Littleton himself had first come to India as a 
factor in 1671 and had been dismissed for unfaithfulness by an order 
of the Court dated 25th January 1682.' And now rehabilitated, 
knighted, and armed by the King with consular powers, he arrived in 
July, 1699, at Balasor, from whence on the 29th he despatched to 
Agent Beard, and the Council at Calcutta, a letter in which threats 
and flattery are most curiously combined. 

" The Generall herewith to your Self and those in Councill Employ 
or Commission with you is not in the least from any disrespect to your 
Self, for whom I have no mean esteem, nor to any of the rest who 
are known to mee only by name or employ, but intirely to represent 
unto you the true state of the case, being it may be supposed you 
have not had any full account thereof from your employers except by 
the Antelope^ this affair of the Consulship being transacted, as I take 
it chiefly after the departure of your Ships, and to prevent any 
unhappy occurrence which might otherwise perhaps succeed, nor is 
there any design in the least, therein to embarrasse or obstruct the 
currency of your affaires, as in practice you will find, nor create any 
difference between us, but rather a firmer and stricter Friendship and 
correspondence, and will certainly prove so if no failure on your part 

^ Bruce's Annals, III, 4G4 to 468. 

2 Ih , III, 469 to 473. 

' Hedges' Diary, II, 206 . 

Littleton's letter to beard. 155 

whicli I will not suspect. I must confess an absolute ignorance of your 
Employers' orders or designes, but as a reall firiend I do take upon mee 
to advise you that -whereas upon the arrivall of Ships particular there 
hath been frequently applications made to the Government against 
them, and odious calumnies cast upon them, ■which probably may have 
caus'd recriminations, and have all tended not only the National 
prejudice, but even to [that of] Christianity itself. Wee are now 
oome on Parliamentary Sanction, the greatest Authority our Nation 
affords, so may not expect any Such usage, however think it not amiss 
that you are warned thereof for the resentment of our Employers for 
Such Actions may be Such as may cause theend to prove bitter, and 
possibly fatall to the Actors, nor can you think but wee shall be as 
vegorous on our part as you Shall be Yehement on yours nor will our 
hands wax weaker but Stronger Dayly. 

The affaires of the Durbar with respect to the English Interest 
will center in the Consull, so to be forebome by all others, also all 
Passes for Ships, so that you will do well to let Such know thereof 
least they bring them Selves under some disappointment. 

You must needs know that at our first coming wee are to seek for 
needful things, especially SmaU vessels and Pilots. I am not for 
withdrawing any Mens Servants against their Masters consent, but yet 
rather our own Countrymen doe reap the benefit then aUens. So that 
if you think not fit to Spare any your Self yet it may not be imprudent 
not to hinder any others, but should be willing thereto. Know not 
how to Speak so plain in this matter as otherwise I might, being- a 
stranger to your circumstances and directions, but am well assured 
nothing will be done of service to our Employers by any persons, but 
will Surely meet with very gratefull acceptance and remuneration. 

I ad not more. Let not what is offered with the Right hand be 
received with the left." ^ 

Had Sir Edward contented himself with claiming a right to carry 
on trade in Bengal and to open up negotiations with the Indian 
Government, he would not in aU probability have met with any serious 
oppositicu from the Calcutta Council, and might have even been 
allowed to use the pilots and other necessaries which he required. 
But he had ordered them to suspend all applications to the Moo-ul and 
forbear issuing passes for their goods. And this from a parvenu 

' Hedges' Diary, II, 206, 207. With reference to the concluding sentence, 
I may note that in India it is insulting to offer or take with the left hand. 


without status or power to an agent of long experience who had a 
defined position in the eyes of the natives, and whose authority to 
exempt his Com pany's goods from all duties had been established by 
a special imperial decree ! Beard might well have been angry, but he 
replied temperately, firmly, loyally. He had his duty to his own 
masters. He should defend their rights and character, and maintain 
their privileges which had been granted them by the English King 
and the Great Mogul, and which even the omnipotent Parliament had 
allowed to continue till 1701. The Calcutta Council had a better 
position, and it was more proper for them to manage their master's 
affairs than to address a stranger who would have to pay for his 
footing before he could do anything. Beard, therefore, refused to 
recognise the authority of the Consul to represent or control the 
proceedings of the London Company, and turned a deaf ear to his 
requisitions.^ Sir Edward Littleton being thus left to his own devices 
at Hugli, could do nothing but write an angry letter of complaint 
to the Duke of Shrewsbury. The old company would take no notice 
of His Grracious Majesty's character and would own no authority but 
what came from their masters. " Upon my coming up to this place 
I passed by their chief e factory, and having His Majesty's flagg 
at the top of our mast they were soe far from taking notice thereof 
in the least that tho' it's usual for them to spread their colours 
on the least vessels passing by, Yett now in meere affront to the 
Consular dignity they not only forebore to spread any colours 
themselves, but prevented all shipps of English there, of which there 
were diverse, from taking any notice of the king's flagg always usual 
heretofore, and they having at that time a servant of the new Company 
in their factory, on his complaint 1 sent two of my company to demand 
his liberty, which was not only refused, but on the 20th September, 
being three days after, fixes a pestilent paper upon the gate of the 
factory of very trayterous import,^ a true copy whereof goes herewith 
by which your Highness will perceive what sort of subjects the 
English in the old Companies service are, and his Majesty will also 
see how much his authority is here villified by those to whom on many 
accounts he had been exceeding gracious, even to admiration." ^ 

1 ;g-edges Diary, II, 208. Also Bruce's Annals, III, 323, 324. 

2 It enjoined all the English under the protection of the Calcutta Council 
to refuse obedience to any order of Littleton. 

3 Sedges' Diary, II, 207, 208. Also Bruce's Annals, III, 349. 


The weariness with which we follow the miserahle details of the 
squabbles between the agents of the old and new Companies is at this 
time relieved by a comic incident in the history of Calcutta, When 
Mr. Charles Eyre returned home in 1699, the Court seems to have been 
much impressed with the value of his services and with the impoii:ance 
of the rights secured by the Prince's grant. The worthy agent was 
made a knight, and long consultations were held between him and his 
honourable masters as to what system of administration should be 
devised to suit the improved state of their possessions. The result of 
these deliberations was announced with great solemnity in a letter 
dated 20th December 1699. Beard and the Council at Calcutta were 
informed that Sir Charles Eyre had now recovered a good state of 
health, and " out of a just but unusual gratitude " had offered his 
services again in the Bay. Bengal was, therefore, constituted a separate 
Presidency, and Sir Charles Ejre its first President. Besides him 
there were to be four members of Council; namely, John Beard, 
second, and accountant; Nathaniel Halsey, third, and warehouse- 
keeper; Jonathan White, fourth, and purser marine; Ealph Sheldon, 
fifth, and receiver of revenues. The President was empowered to fill 
up vacancies, subject to the approbation of the Court, promotion being 
by seniority ; and no servant was to be dismissed except by an order 
of the Court. Taxes were to be imposed and levied at Fort William 
according to the Madras system. Eyre was also instructed to enlarge 
and complete the fortifications begun in 1 696, or, if he thought good, 
be might construct a new fort in the shape of a pentagon. If that 
were not possible, then the present factory was to be made strong, 
particularly in its timbers. At the angles additional buildings lik e 
warehouses were to be erected to serve as bastions ; the windows might 
be used as loop-holes. In compliment to his Majesty the fort was to 
be called Fort William. With enhanced dignity Sir Charles Eyre 
arrived in Bengal and resumed oflBce on the 26th May 1700. What 
steps he took to carry out his commission it is impossible to say 
owing to a curious hiatus in the records. But it seems that he took 
little interest in brick fortresses, whether four-cornered or five-cornered, 
and cared only for the three-cornered fortress of a lady's heart. He 
was " seized with a strange distemper," and on the 7th January 1701 
started for Old England, where, we are told, he "arrived well, after a 
troubled stormy voyage, to his fair mistress to whom he was more 
welcome than to the company, who at first hotly resented his disap- 
pointing them of his service, but it soon cooled to kindness, having 

158 Littleton's embarrassment. 

little to say to him. Soon after which he married, and much trans- 
ported in the sweet embraces of his mistress." ^ 

Meanwhile Littleton's position at Hugli was becoming extremely 
embarrassed. His authority was scouted by the majority of the 
English in Bengal. Two of his council as well as a number of young 
men in the New Company's service had fallen victims to the climate. 
The greater portion of his military guard had died or deserted. He 
had no pilots acquainted with the soundings of the Ganges. It was not 
till the 20th January 1700, after paying a considerable sum of money 
to the Indian Government, that he was permitted to trade, and even 
then the grant was only for a time and had to be renewed at a ruinous 
cost. In vain did he write to Norris, urging him to conclude his nego- 
tiations with the Mogul and procure an Imperial rescript without delay. 
The Embassy, as has been seen, was abortive, and no rescript ever 

The English Company had had its day. The fortunes of the elder 
Company had been all this while steadily improving at home and abroad. 
It had been continued as a corporation by act of parliament ^ in 1700 ; 
and two years later the differences between it and the new creation 
were settled by an amicable agreement which led to the eventual union 
of the two.* 

1 Hedges' Diary, II, 134 to 136. Also Bruce's Annals, III, 300 to 303. 

2 Bruce's Annals, III, 349, 399, 415 to 418. 
^ lb., Ill, 294. 422 to 426. 

* nth April 1702. 



1701 TO 1703. • 

The man who played the chief part in the history of Calcutta 
during the first three or four years of the eighteenth century was 
" our good and faithful servant " John Beard. Nominated writer on 
the 5th October 1681, he accompanied his father to India on board the 
Defence with Governor Hedges.^ He shared the perils of the struggle 
between the English and the Mogul, and was one of the Bengal Council 
at the time of their expulsion ^ and sojoum at Madras. After the 
foundation of Calcutta he sat as second on the Council, of which 
Charles Eyre was the Chief. It seems to have been about this time 

* He arrired in India, 17th July 1682. 

^ On the 26th November, 1688, he volunteered to serve under Heath in 
the attack on Balasor (Long's Notice, p. 14). 


he married his wife Mary,^ hy whom he had two children, Charles and 
Elizabeth. When Eyre went home for the first time in 1699, 
Beard succeeded to the Agency in Bengal ; but he had not held office 
for fourteen months, when, as has been already said, he was superseded 
by Eyre. Many men would have refused to descend to the second 
place after having filled the highest ; but Beard on this occasion 
showed his common-sense and self-control by resolving to serve on under 
Eyre. Accordingly, when seven months later that home-sick lover 
hurried off to England on the plea of ill-health. Beard again ruled in 
Calcutta, this time with the enlarged powers of an independent President. 
During his first government Beard had had to deal with troubles 
caused by Sir Edward Littleton and his lofty pretensions, which he had 
resisted with spirit and propriety ; he now had to meet a series of 
attacks on the English by the native powers.^ For many years past 
Aurangzeb had been greatly annoyed by the depredations of pirates 
who harassed the trade of the eastern seas and the pilgrims on their 
way from Surat to Mecca. He had often suspected that the English 
were really responsible for these outrages ; and when he found the old 
and the new Companies accusing each other of piracy, his suspicions 
seemed to be confirmed. At any rate, he determined to teach them a 
lesson. At the end of the year 1701, a proclamation was issued 
ordering the arrest of all Europeans in India. "Inasmuch as the 
English and other Europeans," it ran, " notwithstanding that they 
have entered into a contract to defend our subjects from piracies, have 
seized and plundered Musalman ships, therefore we have written to 
all governors and dlicdns that all manner of trade be interdicted 
with those nations throughout our dominions, and that you seize on 
all their effects, wherever they can be found, and take them carefully 
in your possession, sending an inventory thereof to ua. And it is 
likewise further ordered that you confine their persons, but not to close 
imprisonment." ^ In consequence of these orders, Daud Khan blockaded 

* The maiden name of Mrs. Beard is uncertain. Beard is called the brother 
of John Pitt, Consul at Masulipatam. It appears from the register of marriages 
and burials at Madras tbat John Pitt married twice-^on the 5th August 1686 
Elizabeth Northey, who was buried on the 7th February 1689 ; nnd on August 
16th Sarah Wavell. A copy of the will of Sarah Pitt is io the British Museum 
(Egerton MSS,, 1971), from which it seems clear that she was not in any way » 
connected with John Beard. But perhaps Elizabeth Northcy was. Tlie Madras 
register records the burial of Mrs. Elizabeth Ivory on the 2nd December 170?. 
The Pitt correspondence shows that this Elizabeth Ivory was probably Beard's 
mother-in-law. She may have married more than ones. 

2 Hedges Diary, II, 104, 105. 

» Wheeler's Madras in the Olden Time. Edition of 1882, p. 210. 

beard's vigorous policy. 16l 

Madras from February to May 1702. In Bengal, the servants of the old 
Company at Palna, Rajmahal, and Cassimbazar were, in February 1702, 
seized with all their effects. On the 30th March the execution of the 
order was extended to aU European factories. To the new Company 
the blow was severe. They had neither anticipated it nor prepared to 
meet it. At one stroke they lost no less than Ra. 62,000, and instant 
ruin stare I them in the face. But the injury done to the old Company 
was not great. The bulk of their wealth was safe in Calcutta, land the 
native government soon grew tired of keeping in confinement a few 
English merchants from whom nothing could be extorted.^ 

Beard displayed firmness and good sense all through these troubles. 
He knew how to concihate and also how to resist. In 1700, when 
the governor of Hugli had threatened to send a judge to Calcutta 
to administer justice amongst the natives living under the protection 
of the English flag, Beard by a bribe had induced 'Azima-sh-Shan 
to forbid it.- In 1702 the Mogul officer ordered the Company's 
goods at Calcutta to be seized. But Beard had now made additions 
to Fort William strong enough to ward oflt any attack made by a 
Bengali power, and he determined that if he was to spend money 
he would rather spend it in powder and shot than "to be always 
giving to every little rascal" who thought he could do some injury 
to the English. He mounted additional guns, drafted men from the 
ships to work them, and so raised the number of the garrison to a 
hundred and twenty men.^ This show of resistance daunted the 
governor, and in June the Prince again interfered in favour of the 
English. Beard had, however, to repeat his lesson later on in the 
same year. A present of five thousand rupees given to the governor 
to allow the transit of the Company's goods incited him to make 
further exorbitant demands. Beard stopped all the Mogul's ships 
going to Surat and Persia for nine days, and the governor, fearing 
to offend the Emperor, gave way. The treasurer was treated with the 
same spirit. This official offered to sell his favours for twenty 
thousand rupees, an offer which Beard peremptorily rejected.* 

This was the last opportimity given to Beard to show his 
mettle. The year 1703 was mainly occupied in making arrangements 
for duly carrying out the union of the two Companies. A member of 

1 Hedges' Diary, II, 1C5. Bruce's Annals, III, 506. 

^ Stewart's Bengal, 218. 

3 Hedges Diary, II, 106, 107. 

* Bruce's Annals, III, 444, 445, 508, 507. 


Council and two factors of eacli Company made inventories of their 
respective dead stocks, and balanced up the accounts. To prevent any 
dispute occurring at the commencement of the united trade, the office 
of President was to he temporarily abolished. Beard and Littleton were 
to be placed on a dignified shelf, and directed to wind up their masters' 
separate afiairs, while the business of the united trade was to be carried 
on by a Council of the four senior servants of each Company.^ 

In the year 1704 these arrangements were completed. The servants 
of the English Company, with their effects, were all placed in security 
within the walls of Fort WHliam, and Calcutta rejoiced in the 
government of no less than three Councils. In the first place there 
was the Council for the management of the separate affairs of the old 
London Company, at the head of which was John Beard. Then there 
was the Council for the separate affairs of the new English Company, 
which left Hugli for Calcuttta in May, and at the head of which 
was Sir Edward Littleton. And lastly there was the JiJstablishment 
Council for the management of all the United Company's affairs in 
Bengal. This last body was constituted as follows : — Mr. Eobert 
Hedges and Mr. Ealph Sheldon, cash keepers; Mr. Winder, store 
keeper, Mr. Russel, export warehouse keeper ; Mr. Nightingale, 
import warehouse keeper, Mr. Eedshaw, charges general keeper, 
or bakhshi; Mr. Bowcher, zamindar, to collect the rents and keep 
the three native towns in order; and Mr. Battle, secretary. It 
•was presided over in alternate weeks by Hedges and Sheldon, 
and on account of its incessant quarrels and disputes soon became 
the laughing-stock of all India.^ The " rotation government," 
as it was called, came into power on the Ist of February. "At ten 
o'clock in the morning," says the consultation book of the new 
Council, " being the time appointed by President Beard to deliver 
possession of the garrison and dead stock, etc., to us, we waited on him 
accordingly, and being met in the old Company's consultation room, 
all the Company's servants and the free inhabitants of Calcutta being 
present. President Beard wished us joy of our new trust. But his long 
indisposition having weakened and disabled him from speaking, he 
desired Mr. Sheldon to make a public declaration that in pursuance of 
the order from the Court of Committee, and in conformity to the Deed 
of Union and Uuinquepartite Indenture, he does now resign the fort and 

' Hedges Diarp, II, 105, 106, 208, 209. 
' Summaries, §§ 13, 46. 

beard'b last illness and death. 163 

all the dead stocks, together with all the lands and privileges, to us, the 
established Council for the management of all the United Company's 
affairs in Bengal." President Beard then received the keys of the 
fort from the Ensign, the chief of the guard, and gave them to the new 
Council, by whom they were given back again to the Ensign to keep. 
After the ceremony all the English in Calcutta were entertained at the 
expense of the Council. Then all the members of the Council except 
two proceeded to Hugli to take possession of the dead stock there.^ 

The old Company's President and servants were forced to remove 
from the fort, and establish themselves in hired houses in the town.^ 
Their Council day was altered to Tuesday so as not to clash with the 
meetings of the United Trade Council, which was now the head Council 
in Calcutta.^ Poor old President Beard did not long survive the 
indignity of being thus a second time superseded in the government 
of the town for which he had done so much. His bodily infirmities 
steadily increased. At the end of the year he determined to go on a 
voyage to Madras for the benefit of his health.* Here he stayed 
during the first six months of 1705 without finding any alleviation. 
He was also troubled about money matters. " He has been telling me," 
writes Pitt, " of the unkindness of the eld Company in refusing their 
bills- of -exchange, and has requested my writing in his behalf." ^ Death, 
however, soon came to end his troubles. On the 7th July, as the 
Madras records tell us, " John Beard, Esq., President for the old 
Company's affairs at Bengal, from whence he came sick, and has ever 
since continued so, did this afternoon depart this life at St. Thomas' 
Mount." On the evening of the loth his body was buried at Fort 
St. George by the Chaplain, James Wendey. " Grovemor Pitt and the 
Council, with all the inhabitants and a company of soldiers, accompanied 
the corpse to the burying place, when the soldiers fired three volleys, 
and afterwards forty great guns were discharged." ^ 

It is sad to think that one who had long served his masters with so 
much ability and loyalty should have been thus cast aiside by them 
when no longer of any use, and left to die amidst pecuniary embarrass- 
ments. But the end of his rival was far more sad, because dishonour- 
able. From the very first Littleton seems to have neglected the 

* Summaries, § 47. 
« lb., §§ 19, 35. 

3 Ih., § 14. 

* lb., §§ 41, 133. 

* Hedges' Diary, II, 106. 

* See Madras Consultation Books and the Borial Eegister at Madras. 

M 2 


Company's business, and before long he stooped to dishonesty. He kept 
back the accounts of his transactions in order to conceal their nature, 
and invested a considerable amount of the Company's capital in specu- 
lations of his own by means of advances made nominally to natives 
who were really his own creatures and agents. His unfaithful manager 
ment aroused the suspicions of his colleagues, amongst whom was 
Eobert Hedges, formerly in the employ of the old Company in the 
time of his uncle, Sir William, but now serving the new Company as 
second in the council at Hugli. In April 1702, Hedges, with the 
help of Winder, the third in the Council, made efforts to restore order 
and put an end to the growing defalcations.^ But in the end Littleton 
wore out the patience both of his Council and of his employers, from 
whom his proceedings could not be kept secret. At the beginning of 
the year 1704, the Court \vrote secretly to Hedges and the rest of the 
Council, directing tbem to "use all fair means imaginable to induce 
Sir Edward Littleton to come to a just accommodation of their affairs 
transacted by him." They were not for putting any real hardship on 
him or having any public difference with him, but they aimed at a just 
and true account of their own. If, however, Sir Edward should kick at 
these measures and obstruct their proceedings, they were to produce the 
enclosed letter marked " A," by which Littleton's commissjon was 
revoked and annulled, and his authority taken from him.^ These 
instructions reached Hedges and his colleagues in the middle of 1704 
when they had removed to Calcutta, and as members of the Council 
of eight were engaged in the business of the united trade. Their 
interest in the afiairs of the defunct English Company was on the 
wane, and Hedges in particular was unwilling to deprive its chief of 
the empty name of President, for he knew if he did so he would be 
pushed into Littleton's place and would lose his seat in the United 
Council over which he now presided on alternate weeks. Thoy therefore 
gladly caught at the repeated cautions given in the letter to act gently 
and avoid a scandal, and at the fact that Sir Edward had no visible 
effects to discharge his liabilities, and resolved on these grounds to 
suspend action and await further orders.^ Next year all pretext of 
delay was taken from them. Peremptory orders were given to 
produce letter " A," Littleton was stripped of his powers, and the 
consequence was that Hedges lost his seat on the United Council and 

1 Hedges' Diary, II, 217. 

2 lb., II, 213. 
8 Jb., II, 216. 

Littleton's death. 165 

had to content himself with the otium cum dignitate of President of 
the Council for the separate affairs of the English Company.^ The 
disgraced man, soured in his mind, isolated and hopelessly involved in 
his circumstances, was left to drag out a miserable existence in Calcatta, 
writing scurrilous letters, and heaping up ribald abuse upon those whom 
he regarded as the authors of his ruin. He died suddenly on 24th 
October 1707, after five days illness, of fever, without having done any- 
thing to arrange his affairs. In the famous award of Lord Godolphin 
the name of the unhappy Sir Edward Littleton " was dishonourably 
enshrined, as his debt of Es. 80,437-8 due to the Company he served 
was adjudged to remain to the English Company on their Additional 
Stock, and not to be added to their United Stock as a debt in the East 
Indies." 2 

^ Hedges' Diary, II, 215. 

° lb., II, 218 to 222 ; and Summaries, §§ 219, 222, 279. 



1704 TO 1707. 

The clearest account of situation and prospects of the Rotation 
Government on assuming office is to be found in tlie letters despatched 
by Beard to his masters in the year 1702. In these a strong contrast 
is drawn between the position of the old Company and that of the new. 
The one had received Imperial patents exempting it from all imports, 
and allowing it to issue passes for the free transport of its goods. The 
other had no such privileges, but was under a security bond to pay 
customs, and already owed three years' payment. In which position 
would the United Company stand ? No doubt it would claim all the 
privileges and immunities of the London merchants ; but would these 
privileges be conceded ? Might not the Mogul choose to regard it as 
the successor of the recent establishment and hold it responsible for the 
English Company's debts ? Or, at any rate, might he not very well 
Tiemand that it should take out fresh patents at the cost of further 
donations to the Imperial exchequer and the local officers ? The position 
of the English had been seriously imperDled by the rivalry of tho 
two Companies, and Beard was sure that the opportunity new afiorded 


to the Mogul Government to squeeze more money out of them was far 
too good to be missed. He foresaw years of tedious negotiation, and he 
advised his masters to put little faith in Eastern diplomacy. If they 
wished to gain any substantial advantages, they must have recourse to 
stronger measures. Bitter experience had stamped this lesson on his 
mind ; that in dealing with an Indian government *' force and a strong 
fortification were better than an ambassador." ^ 

In February 1703 Governor Pitt wrote from Madras to the Court 
at home in much the same strain about the Mogul officials :— " You will 
see they have a great mind to quarrel with us again, and it is most 
certain that the Moors will never let your trade run on quietly, as 
formerly, till they are well beaten. Besides, your having suffered your 
servants to be treated after that most ignominious manner at Surat for 
many years past has encouraged them to attempt the like in all your 
settlements, and I hear in Bengal that they chaichuck Englishmen in 
their public darhars^ which formerly they never presumed to do, and the 
junkaneers all over the country are very insolent ; only those within our 
reach I keep in pretty good order by now and then giving them a 
pretty good banging." ^ 

These views were to a great extent justified by the events of the next 
few years. During the whole of its term of office the Rotation Govern- 
ment were harassed with arbitrary attempts to impede their trade. 
Sometimes their petre boats were stopped by a petty landholder or an 
impudent customs officer. At another time their goods and servants 
were seized by an extortionate governor. Constant efforts were made to 
come to terms with the Mogul, efforts which were as constantly frustrated, 
owing to the mistakes of the English agents, the rivalry of other 
European nations, and the changes which were constantly taking place 
in the opinions and personnel of the native rulers. 

The government of Bengal at this period recalls the methods of the 
Boman emperors. Just as Augustus took care to assign to each 
province a procurator of the imperial revenue to be a check on the legate 
who was entrusted with the administration, so in the rich provinces of 
Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa, the jealousy of Aurangzeb had placed side 
by side with the imperial governor an imperial treasurer, Murshid 
Q,uli E-han. While the indolent Prince 'AzImu-sh-Shan was turning his 
attention more and more away from his government to the future of the 

1 Bruce's Annals, III, 507 to 509. 

2 Hedges' Diary, II T, 80. 


Mogul succession, his more active colleague, who was originally entrusted 
with nothing but the collection of the revenue, was gradually gathering 
into his own hands all the powers of the state. 

It was to Murshid Quli Khan that the Eotation Government 
addressed themselves with a view to securing letters patent, or at 
least an order extending to them the immunity from imposts pre- 
viously enjoyed by the old Company. Such an order, though not at 
this time absolutely indispensable to the English in Bengal, was 
certainly very desirable. Fort WUliam was, as a military work, 
useless, and its garrison of one or two hundred men was chiefly 
employed in protecting the Company's boats on their way down from 
Patna, and in forcing a passage for them when their progress was 
stopped. It is true that, as long as they held command of the sea, 
the position of Calcutta was secure, that they could always threaten 
a refractory Indian government with the seizure of its ships, and 
that both the Mogul and its officers were well aware of the advan- 
tages which the empire derived from foreign trade. Still in the 
disputes which constantly occurred with obstructors, it was as well 
to be able to appeal not merely to force or to interest, but also to law. 

In 1703 the English merchants had, as usual, been much annoyed 
by the interruption and disturbance which they experienced at the hands 
of petty officers and local land-holders. They had also failed to con- 
vince Murshid Quli Khan that the London Company by any other 
name might enjoy the same privileges as before. The Bengali ao-ents 
whom they employed to represent them at the local courts had only 
spent money to no purpose, and in the end had all been withdrawn. 
Their employers had been compelled to make to the imperial treasury 
two separate contributions of three thousand rupees. Without payment 
of a large sum of money the Indian Government refused to recognise 
the fusion of the two companies or to admit the lawfulness of the 
succession. When the Rotation Government assumed office on the 1st 
February 1704, it was stiU unrecognised and unrepresented — the bastard 
offspring of an illegitimate union. The Council were therefore not 
unnaturally " apprehensive of troubles with the government," and for 
more than a month did not venture to issue passes for the free transit of 
merchandise in their own name.^ 

On the 13th March, however, they agreed to use their own seal, 
a very practical assertion of the rights they claimed to have inherited 

' Summaries, § 48, 59. 


from their predecessors.^ At the same time, in consequence of orders 
received from the prince at Rajmahal, they determined to renew their 
negotiations.2 On the 27th March an agent named Ram Chandra was 
sent to the governor of Hugli,^ and on the 14th Jime, Eajaram, an old 
diplomatic hand, was appointed their representative to go southwards 
through Midnapore to Balasor and meet the treasurer on his way- 
back from Orissa. In their instructions to Rajaram the Council 
were careful to define their position. " Tell Murshid Quli," they said, 
"that the Companies have amalgamated, and that we expect that a 
new head will shortly be appointed. We are now one Company with 
one factory, and we shall therefore, according to agreement, make but 
a single annual payment of Rs. 3,000. As for the Rs. 15,000 which 
he demands for the release of our trade, we refuse to pay it at all. 
Our trade should never have been hindered." "* 

Then followed the higgling and hukstering which regularly charac- 
terises Indian negotiations, both great and small. The governor of 
Hugli requested that an Englishman might be deputed to visit him, 
and that presents should be made to himself and the officers of his 
Court. The Calcutta Council complied with his requests, and was in 
consequence asked to give more.^ On the other hand, the treasurer who 
had received no less than Rs. 30,000 from the Dutch, scorned to take 
a paltry present of goods from the English, demanded hard cash, 
and was not to be satisfied with Rs. 15,000 or even Rs. 20,000.^ At 
the beginning of 1707 he consented for the sum of Rs. 25,000 to give 
an order to the English for free trade. By the end of January, Bugden 
and Feake, under an escort of Mogul troops, left Calcutta for Cassimbazar, 
taking with them everything necessary to renew the trade there, and 
also money enough to pay for the order.'' But before the necessary 
arrangements could be completed, when the party had been only a few 
weeks in Cassimbazar, tidings reached Bengal which completely altered 
the situation, and they were ofdered to come down at once to Calcutta, 
bringing all the Company's effects with them, including the rupees 
provided for Mushid Uuli Ehan.^ 

^ Summaries, § 62. 

2 lb., § 65. 

3 Ih., § 70. 
" lb., § 95. 

* lb., § 93, 117, 119, 126. 

" Ib„ § 125. 

7 lb., §§ 189, 192. 

« lb. § 197, 199. 


In his camp, beneath the walls of the city of Ahmadnagar, from 
whence in 1684 he had gone forth at the head of a mighty host, bent on 
the conquest of the South, Aurangzeb had, for some time past, lain dying. 
For many days he continued to give public audience and administered 
justice, but death was clearly stamped upon bis face. The aged 
Emperor had fought his last battle, and yet the mountain rats were at 
large and the South was imsubdued. He had failed. He was dying. 
He knew it, and knew that he must die alone. His eldest living son, 
Shah 'Alam, was far away in Cabul. He now resolutely ordered the 
two remaining sons to depart. Kam Bakhsb, the younger and best 
beloved, was sent to Bijapur ; A'zam was dismissed to Malva.^ Then all 
the horror of remorse and despair settled upon that lonely soul. It 
might have seemed that the integrity of his fifty years of rule had 
atoned, and more than atoned, for the means by which he had gained his 
throne. But Aurangzeb was a puritan whose stern sense of justice could 
allow no such plea. Even his best acts now seemed to hiTn of no value ; 
what then was he to think of his worst ? His gloomy creed left him 
no hope. At times utter despair broke down the barrier of his 
stoic self-control, and he poured forth in letters to his sons the whole 
anguish of his heart. " Many were around me when I was bom, but 
now I am going alone. What am I, or why came I into the world ? 
I cannot teU. I bewail the moments which I have spent forgetfiil of 
God's worship. I have not done well by the eoimtry or its people. 
My years have gone by profitless. God has been in my heart, yet my 
darkened eyes have not seen His glorious light. The army is confound- 
ed and without heart or help, even as I am, apart from God, with no 
rest for the heart. Nothing brought I into this world, but I carry 
away with me the burthen of my sins. Though my trust is in the 
mercy and goodness of God, yet I fear to think of what I have done. 
Without hope in myself, how can I hope in others ? Come what may, I 

have launched my barque upon the waters Farewell! Farewell! 

Farewell! "2 

On the 4th March 1707, after saying the morning prayer and 
repeating the creed, Aurangzeb was suddenly called to his rest. " Oh ! 
that my death may he on a Friday," he had often exclaimed ; and his 
wish was granted.^ His simple burial was also in accordance with his 

J Khafi Khan ia Elliot's EAstory of India, edition of 1877, Vol. VU, 
pp. 384 to 386. 

2 Scott's Dekkan, Vol. II, Pt IV, p. 8, edition of 1794. 

3 Iradat Khan in Scott's Dekkan, Vol. II, Pt. IV, p. 10. 


express command: "Carry this creature of dust to the nearest spot. 
There commit him to the earth with no useless coflSn." ^ 

Prince A'zam was only forty miles distant from the court when he 
received the news of his father's death, and hastened back without a 
moment's delay. He at once laid claim to the empire. Most men had 
thought him " fit to rule, had he not ruled. " But like Galba he forfeited 
all esteem and all sympathy before he was fairly seated on the throne. 
He slighted the nobles, he harassed the soldiers with foolish orders, 
he disgusted all alike by his parsimony. With overweening confidence 
in himself, he put no trust in any other human being, not even in his 
own son. Prince Bedar Bakht. " In short," says the historian, "I cannot 
enumerate all the ill omens to the fortune of A'zam Shah which proved 
that the will of Providence had decreed that the kingdom should be 
given to his brother. He who prideth himself is lost. When the will 
of God hath decreed an event, all things work together to bring it 
to pass." ^ 

Very different was the conduct of Shah 'A lam at this trying 
juncture. Eelying on the help of his two sons, Mu'izu-d-Din and 'Azlmu- 
eh-Shan, and above all on the help of his able lieutenant Mun'im Khan, 
he made a bold push for the throne. On the 10th March, two days 
after he had received the news of his father's death, he set out for 
Peshaur, and by April he was at Lahore. Here he paused for a short 
while to organise his party, and then pressing onwards in time to 
secure Delhi and Agra, joined 'Azimu-eh-Shan, who had come up with 
twenty thousand horse from Bengal.^ 

The contest for the empire of India was now practically decided. 
The race had been won by the elder brother. Shah 'Alam had shown 
himself superior to A'zam in prudence, in ability, and in resources ; he 
was now to show himself superior in generosity. He offered to divide 
the empire with the defeated competitor, but A'zam disdained a compro- 
mise. His answer was a line from Sa'di : " Though ten dervishes can 
sleep under the same blanket, one country cannot hold two kings." He 
had already passed Gualior, where he had left Asad Khan in charge of 
the ladies of his court. He crossed the Chambal, and marched upon Agra. 
The direction of the main body of his army was retained in his own hands, 
but Prince Bedar Bakht was allowed to command the right of the 
advanced guard, while Zti-l-fikar Khan led the left.^ 

^ See also Stanley Lane-Poole's Aurangzib, p. 204. 

2 Iradat Khan in Scott's BeJcJcan, pp. 11, 12. 

3 K-hafi Khan in Elliot's IBstory, VII, .S92, 393. 
* lb., 896, 897. 


On the moming of the lOth June 1707, the two armies were only 
a few miles distant from each other. Ignorant of the nearness of his 
brother, Shah 'xllam had ordered an advance of his whole army son'^- 
wards, and had sent on his own tents under a small escort commanded 
by Rustam 'Ali Khan. With stiU greater negligence the ill- paid, ill- 
disciplined troops of A'zam were toiling over the hot plains toward 
Agra. The van, imder Prince Bedar Bakht, was some miles in advance 
of the main body, and Zu-1-fikar Khan, inclining far to the left, was 
almost out of sight, when he suddenly came upon Eustam 'AlJ:,KhSn. 
The escort was routed and fled, leaving their commander with the tents 
and the artillery in the hands of Zu-l-fikar. Both sides were now 
aware of their proximity, and prepared for the battle of Jajti.^ 

It was close upon the summer solstice. The Indian sun put forth 
the full measure of his strength. Sky and earth were burning hot.^ 
Whirling sands enveloped the combatants, who could keep themselves 
from fainting only by opening their armour and pouring skins of 
water over their naked bodies.^ On hearing of the approach of the 
enemy A'zam started, as if stung by a scorpion. His eyes rolled, his 
face was distorted with passion as he pulled up the sleeves of bis dress 
and called frantically for his war elephant. It was brought to him. 
Standing erect upon his moving throne, and twirling a short, crooked 
Btafi round his head, the madman hurried forward at the head of his 
troops and thrust himself into the gap between the two wings of the 
advanced guard.^ Before him was nothing but vast clouds of dust • 
but soon the clouds opened, and under cover of a heavy cannonade 
two columns of attack were pushed forward till they were about three 
hundred yards off. At this short distance they poured a most 
destructive fire into the tightly compressed masses of A'zam's troops 
who found themselves unable to deploy or make any effective resistance 
The winds in their courses fought against the southern army, bio wing- 
strongly in their faces, so that while their arrows and rockets feU short 
every shot fired by Shah 'Alam's troops took effect.^ The Eajput 
chieftains fell; their followers began to disperse; and Zu-I-fikar 
Khan, who cared very little about the success of A"zam, declared that 
it was time to retire from the contest. This advice only made his 

> Iradat Khan in Scott's Dekkan, II, Pt. IV, p. 31. 

=* lb., 30. 

' Ih., 36. 

* Ih., 34, 35. 

' lb., 36, 37. Also Khafi Khan in Elliot's Ristfyry, YII, p. 393^ 


master more furious: "Go with your bravery," he shrieked; "save 
your life wherever you can. I cannot leave this field. For princes 
it is either throne or tomb." ^ 

Zu-1-fikar accordingly withdrew towards Gualior, and left the ill- 
fated prince with two or three hundred men to fight to the last. 
One by one they were shot or cut down, the gallant young Bedar 
Bakht and his brother, the Sufawi Khan, and all the great officers of 
the household. A whirl of sand blew in the face of A'zam, and from 
it issued Mun'im Khan with a picked band of men. "It is God," 
cried the wretched prince, "not men that are against me." His 
elephant, pierced with wounds and deserted by its drivers, became 
unmanageable ; he stood up to direct it, when an arrow struck him 
in the forehead, and he fell back dead. Seeing this, the prisoner 
Rustam 'All climbed up the elephant, cut off the dead man's head, 
and hastened to lay it at the feet of the conqueror. Shah 'Alam 
turned with horror from the ruffian and burst into tears.^ 

But the fight for the empire, of India was not quite over, Kam 
Bakhsh still remained to be dealt with. Though at Calcutta people 
seem to have thought seriously of this young man, it was not supposed 
at Delhi that he would be able to offer any real opposition.^ He had 
already been weighed in the balances and found wanting. Sent by 
Aurangzeb to govern Bijapur, he had in a short time made himself 
infamous by his treacherous and bloodthirsty proceedings. The chief 
men of the south left him and returned to their lands, while his army 
dwindled away.* 

In 1708 Shah 'Alam arrived at Aurangabad. He was unwilling 
to proceed to extremities, and before advancing to Haidarabad, where 
Kam Bakhsh was encamped, he wrote offering terms: "Our father 
assigned you the government of Bijapur: we give you in addition Hai- 
darabad, and will esteem you dearer than our children. Spare the blood 
of the true believers, and let there be peace." ^ Kindness, however, 
only provoked the foolish fellow to greater insolence and extravagance. 
As Shah 'Alam drew near to Haidarabad, all Kam Baksh's troops 
deserted except a few thousand of the sorriest troops and a small corps 
of artillery. Yet he must needs sally forth from the city to give 

» Khafi Khan in Elliot's History, VII, 398, 399. 

2 Iradat Khan in Scott's Dehkan, pp. 38, 39. 

3 lb., 53. 

* lb., 50, 51. 
« lb.,U. 


battle. l?he lying prophets who surrounded him had said, " Go up 
and prosper ! " and he preferred their smooth sayings to the warnings 
of those who could already see his forces scattered upon the hilk as 
sheep without a shepherd.^ In spite of the reluctance of Shah 'Alam, 
another fractricidal battle was fought. Kam Bakhsh with his two 
sons was seized and carried to the oratory close to the imperial tent. He 
was desperately wounded. In the evening his brother came* and sat 
beside him, covered him with his own mantle, and offered to feed hiTn 
with his own hands. "It was never my wish," he said, "to see you 
thus." "Neither was it muie," replied the other, "that one of the 
race of Timur should be a cowardly captive." He died refusing to 
be comforted, refusing even to allow the European surgeons in 
attendance to dress his wounds.^ 

' Iradat Khan in Scott's DeTcTcan, p. 55. 

2 j^_^ 56^ 57. ^iso Khafi EJian in Elliot's Eiatory, VII, 406, 407. 



1707 TO 1710. 

A CONTEMPORARY view of these important events is given in the 
Calcutta consultation books, which chronicle the various steps in struggle 
as information was received about them, and which show very clearly 
their effect on the fortunes of the EngHsh in Bengal. When on the 
3rd April 1707 news was first received that the Mogul was dead, 
great was the consternation of the Council. ' They had but too good 
reason to fear that their growing trade would be swept away by the 
coming flood of civil war and anarchy. Immediate steps were taken 
to secure a store of provisious at Fort William. Orders were sent to 
the English agents in the district near Calcutta to return to head- 
quarters, bringing the Company's effects there, if possible. Sixty addi- 
tional black soldiers were taken into the Company's service and posted 
round the settlement.^ From the agent at Patna tidings soon came 
of the movements of A'zam Shah and of the counter-efforts of 'Azimu-sh 
Shan to support the cause of his father, Shah 'Alam. The Sultan 

' Summaries, § 197. 


they said, had seized on the Imperial treasures, had threatened to 
levy a tax on all the merchants, and had demanded a lac of rupees 
as a contribution towards raising forces to fight against A'zam.i 

With this demand the English neither could nor would comply. 
On the contrary, after their first panic was over, they began to see that 
the death of Aurangzeb might turn out very much to their advantage. 
While the attention of the Indian rulers was concentrated on the fight 
for the succession, Fort William might be considerably strengthened, 
and two new bastions were accordingly built by the riverside without 
delay.2 It happened, therefore, that at the time when the Council 
heard of 'Azimu-sh Shan's requisition they had laid aside their fears 
and were rather in a confident mood. A threatening message was 
despatched to Patna. " If any of our people there are plundered, " said 
the Council, " we will take satisfaction at Hugli, or anywhere we find 
it convenient so to do."^ 

On the 11th July a letter arrived from Patna with the news that 
Shah 'Alam had obtained an entire victory, and that A'zam and his ' 
two sons had fallen in battle. The Council, however, seem always to 
have been unwilling to believe in the new emperor's prospects. The 
story of the great victory at Jaju was dismissed as "being only 
merchants' advices from Agra,'' and little credit was given to it.^ 

In November they learnt from a native agent that Murshid Quli 
Elhan was not only to continue Treasurer, but was also to be 'Azimu-sh- 
Shan's deputy in the government of Bengal, and that he had expressed 
a desire to see the English merchants settled at Cassimbazar and to 
come to terms with them about the granting of an order for free trade.^ 
The Council, however, were not at all anxious to renew their former 
negotiations. The country was still in a very unsettled state.^ In the 
south, Kam Bakhsh was in possession of many strongholds and said to 
be making all the preparations he could for war. It was considered very 
doubtful whether he or Shah 'AJam would eventually secure the Imperial 
throne.^ In Bengal, too, disorder was rife. The safeguarding of the 
Company's saltpetre boats, always an anxiety to the Council, had now 
become so difficult that they were on the point of giving up the Patna 

^ Summaries, § 198. 
^ 2b., §202.' 
'2b., §203. 
■•7*.. S2I0. 
* lb.. §221. 
"ii.. §226. 
' lb., § 235. 


factory altogether.* But towards the middle of 1708 the conduct of a 
newly-appointed governor of Hugli brought matters to a crisis. 
This officer, who had at 6rst seemed friendly, suddenly changed his 
attitude. He wished, no doubt, to secure his share in the money which 
the English were expected to present to the new emperor and the new 
government, and he therefore tried to force them to carry on their 
negotiations through him. The Council were sufficiently alive to the 
importance of keeping on good terms with the Hugli governor, and 
did all they could to gratify him by sending him presents and polite 
messages, but they wished to keep the negotiations with the Supreme 
Government in their own hands.2 In July the "hotheaded phousdar'' 
began to resort to violence. He prohibited the local merchants from 
dealing with the English, abused the English representative, imprisoned 
the English servants. An attack on Fort William seemed imminent. 
Only two private ships were then lying in the HugK, and the garrison 
amounted to about a hundred and eighty men. But the Council were 
wanting in courage. They ordered ships and men, such as there were, 
to be in readiness, and on the 10th July " summoned all the European 
and Christian inhabitants and the masters of ships, acquainting them we 
expect some trouble from the governor of Hugli. "We ordered that 
they forbear to go to Hugli for some time, and that they should be in 
readiness under arms on summons to prevent any insolence he may 
design us, or in case there should be occasion to act an}i.hing against 
him, that they be ready thereto. They all showed a readiness and 
declared they would be ready on all summons." The Council also 
ordered the Portuguese Christians to be trained for arms by the factory 
ensign and to appear under arms once a week to exercise.^ In the end 
the courage of the defenders of Calcutta was not put to the test. Two 
days after these warlike preparations had been made the Council received 
a letter from the Prince's Qasidar Mir Muhammad Dafar. " I have 
been," he said, " to the governor of Hugli, and I told him that it was 
not well to interfere with the English and stop their trade, and that 
if he persisted in it, he wouli repent. The governor answered me 
that the English trade had been stopped by order of the Treasurer, and 
that as for imprisoning their servants and agents it was not done by 
his orders nor witli his knowledge." Mir Muhammad therefore 
advised his English friends to wait a few days, by which time 

' Summaries, § 226. 

-" Jb., §§ 225, 231, 239, 240. 

2 lb., § 24S. 

N 2 



he hoped to make everything right, and the Council gladly accepted 
his mediation.^ 

The defiant attitude of the governor of Hugli had the effect of 
making the English Council a little more anxious to come to terms 
with the new government of Bengal. A fort no doubt is better than 
an ambassador, but an ambassador is not altogether to be despised. 
A good deal of trouble, it was clear, would be saved if they could 
procure a grant from the emperor Shah 'Alam, or even an order from 
Murshid Uuli Khan. At the end of April 1708 they sent an agent to 
Rajmahal to renew the negotiations for securing free trade to the 
English in Bengal. The Government of Fort St. George had already 
requested the new emperor to confirm the privilege granted to the 
English by his father Aurangzeb, but no grant had yet been issued 
by him for the whole of the Company's factories, and there was con- 
sequently some fear that the Prince and the Treasurer would withhold 
their orders. Nevertheless the Council put a bold face on the matter, 
and stoutly declared that they were daily expecting the imperial letters- 
patent which they would send for the Prince and the Treasurer to see 
just as they had sent with their agent copies of former grants to the 

The usual higgling and blustering followed. 
" Fifteen thousand rupees," said the Council, " for your order ; 
otherwise we retaliate." ^ 

" Impossible," said the Prince and the Treasurer. 
" We have sent up another fifteen thousand rupees and three looking- 
glasses, one for His Highness and two for your Excellency." ^ 

"The Dutch have given us thirty-five thousand rupees for their 
privileges, and we think that you should do the same." ^ 

" Thirty-five thousand rupees will ruin us," cried the Council ; " in- 
deed, we cannot possibly give more than twenty thousand." ^ 

A month later they received a letter from their agent at Eajmahab 
Civacharan, stating that he had paid the Treasurer and the Prince thirty- 
six thousand rupees for their order, and had drawn a bill-of-exchange 
on the Company for that amount. The Council were not unnaturally 
indignant at these unauthorised proceedings, and even thought of 

* Summaries, § 247. 
' lb., §§ 239, 240. 

:< Ji., §244. 
" Ih., § 249. 

* lb., § 254. 
"ii., §286. 


revising to honour the bill. After a long consultation they decided 
on sending one of their most trustworthy native servants, Fazil 
Muhammad, to Rajmahal with orders to send Civacharan under a guard 
to Calcutta to answer for his conduct.^ On the 22ndj October Fazil 
Muhammad returned from Eajmahal bringing still more unpalatable 
news. The Prince and the Treasurer, he said, although they had promised 
to give the new order for freedom of trade for thiity-six thousand 
rupees, now absolutely refused to do so for less than fifty thousand 
rupees as a present to themselves and a hundred thousand rupees to be 
paid into the emperor's treasury at Surat.^ 

In this extremity the Council could only turn to the governor of 
Hugli for help. He had lately given up his hostile attitude, and for 
the sum of three thousand rupees had promised to formally satisfy 
all the privileges hitherto enjoyed by the English at Hugli.' The 
Council therefore agreed to write to him and tell him that they would 
accept his offer to act as negotiator between them and the Govern- 
ment of Bengal."* At first the governor of Hugli represented that it 
would be impossible to obtain any grant at the rate offered, but on the 
Council's threatening to seize all the Mogul shipping in the Hugli and 
order all Enghsh subjects to withdraw from Bengal, he changed his 
tone, and professed that for thirty-five thousand rupees he would 
procure the English letters patent from the Prince and an order from 
the Treasurer.^ This promise was, however, purely of a diplomatic 
character. As the sequel showed, the Hugli governor did nothing and 
could do nothing for the English. In December 1708 Mr. Cawthorpe, 
the English agent *t Rajmahal, was mthlessly seized by the Prince 
who refused to set free his prisoner or to let the Company's boats pass 
till be had received a bill-of-exchange for fourteen thousand rupees.^ 

Once, again, the shadow of the greater struggle for empire falls 
across the scene giving pause to local wranglers and for the time hushin» 
the rising bickerment. On the 24th December 1708 the Council 
received a letter from Madras, saying " that Shah ' Alam was advanced 
near Golconda and like to get the better." " On Wednesday, the 16th 
February 1709, they learned from several sources that there had been 

^ Summaries, § 258. 
- lb., § 263. 
3 lb., § 260. 

* lb., § 263. 

* Jb., § 272. 

" lb„ §§ 280, 287. 
' lb., § 284. 


" an engagement between the King Shah 'Alam and his brother Kam 
Bakhsh near Golconda, wherein the King had an entire victory and 
slew his brother and one or more of his sons, and vanquished his party, 
so that now 'tis believed the kingdom will soon be at quiet and the 
G-overnment more orderly." From Madras, too, came a letter confirming 
the death of Kam Bakhsh, and informing them that negotiations were 
in progress to secure an Imperial grant.^ On the 31st March 1709 the 
Council, considering that the victory of Shah 'Alam opened up a fair 
prospect of peaceable times, agreed that the garrison should be reduced 
to one hundred and thirty-seven men,^ At the end of April they took 
vigorous steps to chastise the watchmen at Kidderpur, who had " of late 
been very troublesome in stopping the Company's boats with goods." 
Thirty soldiers and twenty black gun- men were got to fetch them up for 
punishment, end the six men who actually offered a resistance with 
swords were tied to a post, given twenty- one stripes with a split rattan, 
and then remanded for further punishment.^ 

The confidence felt by the Council in the coming peaceable times 
and their summary treatment of the impudent watchmen are to be 
attributed not merely to the victory of Shah 'Alara, but also to the fact 
that in consequence of that victory 'Azimu-sh-Shan and Murshid Q,uli 
Khan had at the beginning of the year left Bengal and gone to the 
Imperial Court. In their stead Sher BuUand Khan was sent to be chief 
manager of the provinces of Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa. In June 
Mr. John Eyre and Mr. Battle were deputed to meet the new ruler, 
who at first seemed particularly well disposed to the English and gave 
them permission to go on with their business as usual till they could 
produce a formal order.* In a very short time, however, they heard 
from Mr. Battle that Sher Bulland Khan had stopped all the boats at 
Eajmahal.^ A present of goods worth two thousand rupees was reward-, 
ed with more fair speeches, but notwithstanding all his promises Sher 
Bulland refused to make the smallest real concession. " He positively 
demands forty-five thousand rupees, on the receipt of which he will 
give us his order for free trade, and when the present diwan is con- 
firmed or a new one sent he will procure a writ from him, without 
which he is resolved to admit of no more delays from us, but will stop 

^ Summaries, § 294. 

2 75., § 304. 

3 lb., § S09 

* lb., §§ 322, 326. 
» lb., § 330. 



all our business, having call d all the merchants at Muqsadahad to 
give in an account of what goods they have provided for us in order to 
their paying custom. The governor further adds that the Prince last 
year forced from our Patna boats seventeen thousand rupees, and if we 
comply not that we shall see what he can do. On these advices we 
meet early this morning to consult what to do in these unsettled times, 
and cannot find any remedy ; for once the new King is come to the 
throne we have had no order from him to trade as usual, which is the 
advantage the government takes hold of. Therefore it is resolved we 
write immediately to Mr. Pattle, ordering him to make an end of it the 
best way he can, for it is certain if we comply not the governor vnll 
again stop our Patna fleet, which, as the year before, will not be let 
loose till a large sum is extorted as also custom to be paid on our goods 
which we have bespoke of the Cassimbazar merchants, which will be of 
very ill consequence," * So Mr. Pattle paid Sber Bulland Khan the 
forty-five thousand rupees and obtained in return the governor's order 
of the freedom of the English trade in Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa, as 
also the governor's particular orders to Hugli, Rajmahal, Dacca, and 
Muqsudabad, acquainting them that he had given the English a 
general order.^ And Wall Beg, the superintendent of the King's 
treasury, who had been most useful to Mr. Pattle in helping to get the 
order, was graciously pleased to visit Calcutta at the end of September, 
wbere he was " received very civilly," and had a present of one thousand 
rupees value made him.' 

MeanwUe Governor Pitt at Madras had entered into important 
negotiations with the Mogul court, which were destined to occupy the 
attention of the English in India for the next eight years, and of which 
the first steps taken are significant in many ways. They show among 
other things how hard it is to tolerate a neighbour and how easy it is 
to love any one sufficiently remote. The Calcutta Council, as has been 
pointed out, felt no enthusiasm whatever for the cause of Shah 'Alam ; 
the English in the far south were anxious to support him. It is also 
interesting to note the value of personal influence, Thomas Pitt, Esq., 
President of the Company's affairs on the coast of Coromandel, being 
able to form lasting friendship with many of the Indian officials such 
as were quite impossible to the headless government of Fort William in 
Bengal. Of the well-wishers thus secured, the most important was tlie 

* Summaries, § 336. 
' lb., § 337. 
» lb., § 338. 


Lord High Steward of the King's household, ZaInu-d-Dm Khan, whose 
name is persistently corrupted by the records into Zoodee Khan. It 
was in July 1708, when Shah 'Alam was anticipating a coDflict with 
Kam Bakhsh,and was therefore anxious to conciliate as many supporters 
as possible, that Zainu-d-Din Khan despatched a letter to the Governor 
of Fort St. George, "professing great kindness and tendering his 
service in any affair." The letter was received with, due solemnity, 
presents were made to "Zoodee Khan's Lady," who happened to be 
residing at St. Thome, and letters were sent in answer to the Mogul's 
Court, requesting the confirmation of the privileges granted by 
Anrangzeb. More correspondence followed, and the feelings between 
the English and the High Steward grew very friendly.^ Diu-ing the 
first half of the year 1709, Pitt was busy preparing a sumptuous 
present for the King, which he intended to send to him at Golconda, 
and a part of which was actually despatched by sea to Masulipatam. 
But after the defeat of Kam Bakhsh,the King withdrew to Aurangabad, 
and thence to Delhi, and in September Pitt was deprived of his office. 
Consequently the whole scheme dropped for the time.^ 

Pitt had urged upon the Calcutta Council the expediency of 
joining in embassy, but in vain.^ Their attention was entirely 
taken up with their affairs at Bajmahal and Muqsiidabad, and they 
had no leisure to think of sending to such distant places as Aurangabad 
and Delhi. In November Sher BuUand Khan, for whose order they 
had recently paid so much, was removed from the government of 
Bengal, and in the absence of any higher authority the official who was 
acting in Murshid Quli's place as treasurer took upon himself to stop all 
the Company's goods and boats, requiring the sum of twenty thousand 
rupees before he would let them pass. The Council refused to comply 
with this "unreasonable demand," and resolved on strong measures. The 
treasurer to gain time abandoned his aggressive attitude and promised 
everything.* The dispute would have no doubt run the usual course 
had not the treasurer been fortrunately killed in dispute with some 
regiments of horse about arrears of pay.^ After this the English seem to 
have been left in peace for the rest of the year 1710. Murshid Quli Khan 

» Wheeler's Madras, pp. 273, 274, 275, 277. 
2 Wheeler's Madras, pp. 2S4, 285. 
^ Summaries, § 836. 
* lb., §§ 352, 359. 
^ lb., § 362. 


returned to Bengal, but he did nothing to molest them.^ On the other 
hand, Zainu-d-Din Khan was in April appointed by the emperor himself 
to be governor of Hugli and admiral of all the seaports on the coast of 
Coroman lei. His letter on this occasion to the Governor of Madras shows 
very clearly his kindly relations toward* Pitt and the English. " As there 
is a great friendship between us, " he said, " and you have often informed 
me that it was yoiu* opinion that if all the seaports under the King's 
dominions were under the admiral as a company, he might settle the 
sea affairs, destroy the pirates, enrich the seaports, and encourage the sea 
merchants to come and depart, which will increase their profit ; and you 
desired me to use my utmost endeavours to obtain this, which I have 
done ; and on account of our friendship have undertaken this great busi- 
ness myself, and if it happens otherwise, the discredit will be the same to 
us both. For I have no other hopes than the safety of all subjects, 
the security of merchants going or coming by sea, extirpation of 
pirates, and the enrichment of the King's sea-ports. So your Honour 
must use your endeavours in this matter likewise, and advise all of our 
native agents and merchants everywhere to trade freely without sus- 
picion of any danger, and augment their trade. I want your advice, if 
you think it proper to send some of the King's ships to bring elephants 
from the other coast. The King has ordered me to build a fort at Balasor 
and enrich your factory. After I arrive at Hugli I will observe how 
affairs are managed and advise your Honoiir. And now I must desire 
you to think of means how things may best be carried on for the King's 
advantage and your company's, that so all persons may live happy and 
serve their Maker. For I have neglected other business and undertaken 
this on your account, in hopes to get a great name by it ; and within five, 
six, or twelve months' time, if it is your request that I should take in 
the other seaports, as also Siirat, I can procure it, and we must endea- 
vour to promote both our fames. For if we agree we can conquer the 
whole world, and clear the seas of all dangers for the merchants. As to 
the present, I have wrote you lately to send it to Bengal, according to 
the King's orders, which be sure you do. For it is very necessary that 
you send a present, and when I come to Hugli I will advise you of all 
other matters ; and you should send an agent with me, or write 
your people at Calcutta to send one. For I shall want hin on 
several occasions, I heartily wish you all health and prospeiity. " ^ 
Zainu-d-Din Elan reached Hugli in May.' Janarddana Set, the 

' Summaries, § 375. 

2 Wheeler's Madras, 289. 

' Summaries, § 381. 


Company's broker who had gone up to meet him, returned and told the 
Council that he had been received with marked kindness and that the 
admiral would like to come on a visit to Calcutta, but understood 
that it was customary for them to pay the first visit. The Council 
accordingly sent Mr. Chitty and Mr. Blount to Hugli to " visit and 
discourse" with the new governor.^ 

The days of the Rotation Government were now rapidly drawing 
to a close. On the I8th July a letter was received from the Hon'ble 
Antony Weltden, Esq., announcing that he had been sent out by 
the Company to be Grovernor and President of the Council, and had just 
arrived at Balasor. Samuel Blount of the Council was at once sent 
down the river with a letter of congratulation and various conveniences 
for the President and his family, and many other besides hastened, of 
their own accord, to meet their new Chief. On the evening of the 20th 
July Weltden reached Calcutta. He was "met at his landing by most 
of the Europeans in the town and the natives in such crowds that it 
was difficult to pass to the fort where he was conducted by the wor- 
shipful John Russell and Abraham Adams, Esquires, and the Council. 
The packet was opened and the commission read, after which the 
usual ceremony given on »uch occasions by firing guns and the keys 
of the fort delivered. " ^ In September Zainu-d-Din Khiin came to 
Calcutta to return the visits paid to him, and was received " with all 
the respect and civility due to him on this occasion" and with a suitable 
present.^ At the end of October he was able to inform the Council that 
he had received a favourable letter from Farrukhsiyar, who represented 
his father 'Azimu- sh-Shiln at Raj mahal, together with a dress of honour 
for the President to bo delivered at Hugli. On Wednesday the 1st No- 
vember 1710 the President, accompanied by Hedges, Chitty, Blount, and 
several others, went up to Hugli. There the President received the dress 
of honour and a letter, with a fine horse, and returned to Calcutta on 
Friday. The following Monday the Prince's letter was read in Council, 
audit was agreed to send him a present in return, as he was the son of the 
favourite son of the emperor, and might, therefore, help them to procm-e 
an imperial grant .^ 

Of the external relations of the Rotation Government little more 
remains to be said. England was during the whole of this period at 

^ Summaries, § 383, 
•' lb., § 391. 

' i6., §4)1. 


war with France and in alliance with Holland, but of this the only 
indications are one or two acts of civility to the Dutch Governor of 
Chinsurah, and occasional fears as to the movements of French ships 
recorded in the consultation hooks. 

On the other hand, far too much* space seems to he given up to 
disputes about the constitution of the Council itself. Long and heated 
discussions took place about the rules of succession. The managers at 
home had ordered that the Old Company's servants were to have the 
first, third, fifth, and seventh places, and that the New Company's 
servants should have the second, fotu'th, sixth, and eighth. If this rule 
were ligidly carried out when the first place fell vacant, it would be filled 
not by the second in the Council, but by the third ; and. this method of 
promotion being followed all along the line, the new member of Council 
would at once take seventh place, and not the eighth. Tet the managers 
appear to have ordered that the next who succeeded was to be the eighth 
of the Council These contradictory rules furnished a long succession of 
hard cases and bitter disputes, which were only terminated by once again 
reading the letters on the subject from London and resolving, in spite 
of the protests of the New Company's servants, that the Old Company's 
places are the first, third, fifth and seventh in the Council.^ 

Another fruitful root of bitterness was the question whether either 
Hedges or Sheldon, on becoming President of the Council for the separate 
affairs of his o-wn company, could retain his seat on the United Council. 
At the end of 1704, two whole months were spent in disputing upon the 
point, and numerous letters were sent home from both parties, each 
accusing the other of disloyalty and disobedience. It was in the 
end decided that neither Hedges nor Sheldon need resign, but this 
decision was not observed. When on the death of Beard at Madras 
in 1705, Ralph Sheldon was appointed President of the Council for the 
Old Company, he was compelled to give up his place in the United 
Trade Council, and the same fate befel Robert Hedges, who much against 
his win superseded Littleton on the Ist November 1705. In September 
the whole question was re-opened by the receipt of a letter from England. 
The Governors of the Old Company stated that they did not wish a 
separate President for their affairs now that Mr. Beard was dead. 
Consequently, Ealph Sheldon was displaced, and being no longer 
President of the Old Company's affairs wished to take his seat again as a 
Chairman of the United Trade Council. On the 24th September he sent 

• Summaries, §§ 177, 212. 


a letter to the Council asking to be reinstated. On this a stormy dis- 
cussion ensued, half the Council being for it and half against. In the 
end, finding they could come to no decision, they determined " to cast lots 
as our masters have bidden us in times of disagreement." The lots fell 
for Sheldon, who was accordingly re-elected. But the matter did not 
end here. Having taken back one of their former Chairmen, the Council 
felt that they could not do less than offer to take back the other, and 
sent a letter to Hedges to that effect. Hedges, however, wrote back 
arguing that Sheldon should not have been re-elected, and refusing to 
be re-elected himself unless the Council would admit that they had no 
right in the first place to force him to resign. Many letters passed on 
both sides. In his last, Hedges declared that he was justly turned out 
on becoming President of the New Company, and that he could not see 
how the recent orders from home justified the action of the Council. 
He, therefore, refused to be re-elected, and added that he was returning 
home to England and would lay an account of the whole affair before 
the Managers in London.^ Sheldon, however, continued to sit as a 
Chairman of the Council till the beginning of 1709, when illness com- 
pelled him to ask permission to take a voyage on the Mary 
smack, in the hopes that the sea air might restore his failing health.^ 
But the voyage was never taken, or, if taken, proved of no avail. Ralph 
sheldon died in Hugli at the end of April,^ and was buried in the old 
Calcutta graveyard, where his tombstone with the following inscription 
is still to be seen : — 

RuDOLPHUs Sheldon 
Armiger et 
lUustris Sheldoni- 
ani stematis hand in- 
digna Proles, 
Mortalitatis suae 
exuvias in spe bea- 
tsB resurrectionis 
sub hoc tumulo de- 
pcsuit Aprilis 26, 
Aetat. 3.7. 

' Summaries, § 178. 

2 lb., § 295. 

3 lb., § 310. 



When the English first came to Calcutta their position was pre- 
carious and ill-defined. The land in the neighbourhood being to a large 
extent wild and uncultivated, there was little or nothing to prevent any 
body of men that chose from seizing a piece of unoccupied ground and 
squatting on it. In this way the Setts and Bysacks had, more than a 
hundred years before, founded Govindpur, and the English, coming 
to Calcutta with the good- will and, probably, at the suggestion of these 
very Setts and Bysacks, had nothing more to do than to take as 
much waste land as they needed, clear it, and build houses and offices. 
They trusted that the natural strength of the position would protect 
them, and that the acquiescence of the government would leave them 
undisturbed in their new home. 

The first settlement at Sutanuti seems to have consisted of mud and 
straw hovels with a few masonry buildings. Its chief defence was 
the flotilla of boats lying in the river. The renewed settlement 
established by Chamock in 1690 was of the same nature; but as time 


went on the uumber of masonry buildings inci'eased, and in 1696 the 
beginning of a fort was made. The English also attempted to 
raise some sort of revenue from the land upon which they had squatted. 
In 1694 such partial duties as the agent at Calcutta could then raise 
are reckoned as amounting to only one hundred and sixty rupees a 
month,^ and from the records which remain it would appear to have 
been even less. For instance, in the account of the revenue for August 
1695, the total receipts from shop-rents, fines, fees, and duties are set 
down as Bs. 75-0-6. The expenses are equally trifling. Besides 
Bs. 69-12 for servants' wages, the items of expenditure are one rupee 
for paper, ten annas for a whip, four annas for " rice for ye thieves," 
and one auna for " making a jamp." ^ 

The letters patent granted by Prince 'Azimu-sh-Shan in 1698 
changed all this. The English Company gained a definite status in 
the eyes of the Indian Governors. It became the Collector ^ of the 
three towns, Sutanuti, Calcutta, and Govindpur. As such it was 
empowered to levy internal duties and customs on articles of trade 
passing through its districts and impose petty taxes and cesses on the 
cultivators; as such it managed the lands and exercised Jurisdiction over 
the inhabitants. The exact relations of a Collector to the supreme 
government are a matter of dispute. Ordinarily, we are told, the 
Collector realized the public revenue arising from the land under him, 
and, after deducting a commission of tea per cent, and various other 
small charges, transmitted the sum to the Imperial treasury. In the 
case of the Company this sum was fixed. In short, the Council at 
Calcutta paid the Mogul an annual rent of twelve hundred rupees, 
more or less, and was free to tax and govern the place almost as it 

In consequence of this change in the position of the Company, a 
new member was added to the Council to represent it in its new 
capacity. Henceforth a speci-al officer, known as the Collector, was 
appointed to gather in the revenue of the three towns and to keep them 
in order. In 1700 Ealpb Sheldon became the first Collector of 
Calcutta,^ and from him through many an inheritor whose name is now 
part of the history of British India, the line of the Calcutta Collectors 

^ Brace's Annals, III, 172. 

2 See the Chutanuttee Diary for the year. India Office Eecords. 

^ Zamlndur. 

* The exact legal position of the Company is very perplexing. See Stephen's 
Nuncomar and Impey, II, p. 26. Also Hamilton's East Indies, edition of 1727> 
II, p. 13. 

* See above, p. 167. 


nms in unbroken succession down to the present day. On the let 
February 1704, Benjamin Bowcher, the second of the Calcutta 
Collectors, took oyer charge of the office,^ which he filled till his death 
on the 24th September 1705. On the 8th October John Cole succeeded 
him;- but in April 1706 Arthur King was ordered to act in his stead.^ 
On the 3rd October 1706, after a good deal of discussion about the 
proper constitution of the Council, it was settled that John Maisters 
should be Collector,* In February 1707 the post was filled by Abra- 
ham Adams,^ but in August of that year Adams was made Secretary 
and was succeeded by William Bugden.^ He remained in the oflBce 
till April 1709, when he was promoted to be Import "Warehouse 
keeper. His place in the Council was given to William Lloyd, 
but as liloyd was away from Calcutta, the duties of Collector were 
discharged by Samuel Blount during the rest of the year 1709,^ and 
by Spencer for the first half of 1710.^ In July, on the arrival of 
President Weltden, the Calcutta Collectorate was entrusted to John 

Although the Company seem to have claimed all the land between 
the river and the Salt Lake, from Govindpur to Sutanuti, as within 
their sphere of influence, the land which they actually rented at this 
time amounted to about 5,077 bighas, or 1,861 acres, that is, about 
one-third of the present area of the town. The primary duty of the 
Collector was to gather in the revenues accruing from this area. The 
principal receipts were from the ground rents, which the Company - 
was empowered to levy up to a maximum of three rupees a bigha, but 
besides these the Company drew considerable sums from various aids 
and benevolences, from tolls levied on the markets and ferries, and from 
other Hiiscellaneous town duties.*" 

The Collector rendered an account of the revenue to the Council 
month by month. The "balances paid into cash" are regularly 
recorded in the consultation books, and sometimes the details as well. 
From these entries it is comparatively easy to trace the growth of 

* Summaries, § 46. 
2 15., §148. 

» lb., § 162. 

* lb.. § 179. 

* lb., § 191. 
« lb., § 212. 
7 lb., § 310. 

* lb., § 360. 
» lb., § 392. 

" See for instance 16, §§ 4, 8. 



the Calcutta revenues. In 1704 the average monthly cash balance 
shown by the Collectorate accounts is four hundred and eighty rupees : 
during the next few years this balance increases at the rate of one 
hundred rupees a year, till in 1707, it amounts to eight hundred and 
eighty- five rupees. In 1708 it is a thousand and ten rupees ; in 1709 
it is thirteen hundred and seventy rupees ; in 1710 it is stationary.^ In 
the time of Holwell the average net monthly balance varies from two 
thousand five hundred to three thousand eight hundred rupees. It 
may be set down as three thousand five hundred.^ 

These figures are interesting not only in themselves, but also for the 
evidence they furnish as to the early development of Calcutta in size 
and population. The growth of the revenues was the direct conse- 
quence of the growth of the settlement, and, if we could be certain that 
the revenues were regularly collected, would give us a measure of it. 
Regarded in this light the Collectorate accounts would show, that in the 
six years, from 1703 to 1708 inclusive, Calcutta doubled itself, and 
that between then and 1710 it increased more than thirty-five per cent. 
In- the whole of the forty years which followed, Calcutta only increased 

Unfortunately we have every reason to believe that the collection 
of the revenue was most irregular, and we cannot tell whether the 
increase in any particular year may not be due to some improvement 
in the collecting agency. When, therefore, we further try to arrive at 
some definite account of the population in those early days, we lose all 
firm foot-hold, and become involved in perplexities. The whole subject 
" suffers from a plethora of probabilities." Nevertheless, though well 
aware that my results can only be rough and tentative, I shall yet not 
shrink from giving figures, this being the only way in which we can hope 
to gain clear ideas. To help us in our task we have a survey of the 
Company's lands made in the year 1706,^ and two contemporary esti- 
mates of the population, one "by Alexander Hamilton who spent some 
years in Calcutta under the Rotation Government,^ and the other by 
John Zephaniah Holwell just before the taking of the city by Siraju-d- 
Daula.s Hamilton, who was • a private merchant and therefore pre- 
judiced against the Company and all connected with it, sets down the 

1 The monthly net balances are given in the Summaries passim. 

2 Holwell's Tracts, 3rd edition, 1774, p. 241. 
^ Summaries, § 207. 

^ Hamilton's H^ast Indies, II, 18. 
' Holwell's Tracts, 209. 


population as from ten to twelve thousand. VHe does not say of what 
year he is speaking ; but it is reasonable to suppose that his estimate is 
based on the survey in 1706. Hoi well, one of the greatest of the Cal- 
cutta Collectors, on the basis of a survey of his own, argues that in 1752 
the total population from which the city revenues were drawn, must have 
amounted to 409,000. There can be no doubt that this number is far 
too large. In order to reach it, Holwell has included a considerable 
area of land, which, though now a part of Calcutta, did not then belong 
to the Company at all, and has reckoned forty-eight inhabitants to each 
bigha,^ a density of population hardly yet reached iu the most crowded 
quarters of the city. We shall probably be making a very liberal 
allowance if we fix it at twenty to a bigha in 1752, and we shall 
strictly confine our attention to the Company's lands from which 
alone it drew rent. 

It appears, then, from Holwell's account, that the total area of the 
land owned by the Company, exclusive of Jannagur, which lies outside 
theMaharatta ditch, was about 5,243 bighas, and thus the population of 
the settlement, reckoned at the rate of twenty inhabitants to a bigha, 
was about one hundred and five thousand. Taking this as our starting- 
poiijt, and assuming that the increase of the population was propor- 
tional to the increase in the average monthy net balances, we should 
reach the following conclusions. At the beginning of the Rotation 
Government, the population of the Company's lands would be fifteen 
thousand; in 1706, when the survey was made, it would be over 
twenty-two thousand, that is double Hamilton's estimate ; in 1708 it 
would be thirty-one thousand. From this it would rapidly rise to 
forty-one thousand in the years 1709, 1710. These calculations would 
only apply to the lands under the management of the Company, that 
is, to about a third of the whole area included within the Maharatta 
ditch. If we were to guess at the total population within these limits, 
we should have to increase the figures by fifty or sixty per cent., or 
perhaps even to double them. 

For administrative purposes the Company's land was spHt up into 
four divisions. The smallest but most populous of these was the Great 
Bazar, where the houses occupied more than 400 bighas out of 488. 
Beyond lay the large division of Town Calcutta, an area of l,7l7i 
bighas. In 1706 only 248 bighas were occupied with dwellings, the 
rest of the division being imder cultivation or left waste ; but the 
surveyor notes that 364 bighas are shortly to be used for houses. 

' A hioUa is aboat one-tliird of an acre. 

1^^ THE company's LANDS AND LEASES. 

The northern division, . Sutanutl, is estimated to contain 1,692 
bighas, of which only 134 were inhabited. In the southern division, 
Govindpur, only 57 bighas out of 1,178 were inhabited. Thus the 
total amount of inhabited land in 1706 was only 84H bighas ; and if 
we were to suppose as before that there were as many as twenty persons 
living on eaoli bigha, the total population of the settlement in 1706 
would be 16,830. It might be argued that the population was not so 
dense at that time, and that a lower proportion should be taken, which 
would bring the estimate into agreement with Hamilton. But the 
calculations which have been based on the growth of the revenues 
indicate a much large number, and this seems to be nearer the truth. 
Of the rest of the land, 1,525 bighas were rice fields and 486 bighas 
gardens. Plantains were grown on some 250 bighas, tobacco on 187, 
vegetables on 150 ; 307 bighas were granted rent free for the use of 
Brahmans; 167 bighas were manor ^ land; 116 were taken up with 
roads and ditches, wells and ponds; 1,144 bighas were waste.^ 

The position of the English with regard to these lands is clear. 
The Company had not the absolute possession of the land, but only 
the rights of a Collector. It could sell, grant, or lease the manor 
and unoccupied lands, and from the occupiers of the tenanted lands it 
Gould demand a rent not exceeding three rupees a bigha ; but it had 
no powers of sale or resumption on failure to pay the ground-rent. 
Arrears of rent could only be recovered by distraint and by the sale of 
the moveable property of the occupier, "When the Company made 
a grant of land, it gave with it a deed which conveyed to the 
grantee his title to the property, and specified the conditions under 
which it was held.^ The form of these deeds was extremely simple. 
Written in Bengali and in English, and signed by the zamindar, they 
merely gave the date, the name of the grantee, the amount of the land, 
its situation, and its rent.* In the same way, whenever land already 
occupied changed hands, a nevf, deed had to be taken out. By a reso- 
lution passed on the 12th June 1707, it was ordered that all deeds 
should be registered, should be renewed once a year, and should be 
shown every month at the time of paying rent. We may, however, 
suspect that this resolution, like many others made by the Council, was 
by no means rigidly enforced. 

* Khamar. 

2 Summaries, § 207. 

3 Ih., § 83. 

*• The deed books from 1758 onwards are preserved in the Calcuttfi 


Each of the four divisions of the settlement was administered through 
a separate office. As a revenue officer, the Collector had under him 
a staff of clerks and rent gatherers,^ which gradually grew with the 
growth of the revenue. The pay of these servants seems to have been 
miserably smalk^ One of the results of the survey of 1706, was the 
discovery that the rent gatherers had been making false returns and 
farming out lands for their own advantage. The corrupt officers were 
discharged, and it was decided that the pay of the olerks in charge of 
the land records should be raised to four rupees a month ; ^ but as a 
matter of fact, the order was not carried out. 

Still more difficult was it to discover a reliable " black collector." 
During the first ten years of the Calcutta coUectorate several men 
were tried in the post and found wanting. As Jong as Ralph Sheldon 
was collector, the " general supervisor " was a certain Nandarama ; but 
soon after Bowcher had succeeded Sheldon, Nandarama fell under 
suspicion, and in August 1705, Jagatdas was made " black collector."* 
He does not seem to have given satisfaction. In 1707 the post 
remained vacant for several months, during which Nandarama again 
acted as the assistant to the Collector.'^ No sooner was he dis- 
placed then all sorts of complaints were preferred against him, and 
it appeared that he had been guilty of extensive peculation.^ On 
being given up by the Governor of Hugli, whither he had fled for 
refuge, the Council ordered him to be imprisoned while the Collector 
looked over the accounts. The drum was beaten all about the town, 
and notice was given to all the native inhabitants that whosoever had 
any money or effects of Nandarama in his possession should not deliver 
them up to him or any of bis family till his case had been decided." 
During Weltden's government, Jagatdas was again " black collector," 
and was accused of being concerned with the president in extensive 
frauds on the Company. 

These incidents seem typical. The dishonest " black collector " is a 
recurring feature in the internal administration of Calcutta, and it is a 
feature which need not excite surprise. In all probability the pay of 

^ Summaries, § 205. 

' lb., §§ 4, 8. 

^ Ib.,% 206. 

* See lb., Addenda, § 420. 

' lb., § 306. 

« lb., § 316. 

' 7i., § 320. 

^ He had from 30 to 50 rupees a month. See Holwell's Tracts 187. 

o 2 


the " black collector " was absurdly small.^ It was the vioious policy 
of the Company to under-pay its servants, and it was notorious that 
these servants, botli high and low, derived the greater part of their 
income from their perquisites and from private trade. If the English 
Collector was not content with his pay but had recourse to indirect 
means to augment it, why should not his Bengali personal assistant 
follow so good an example ? When in 1752 Holwell accused Govinda- 
rama Mitra of dishonesty, the celebrated "black collector " defended 
himself by pointing out that every deputy of this description was 
allowed similar privileges, and that he could not from his wages keep 
up the equipoge and attendance necessary for an officer of his station.^ 

But the Collector was not merely the gatherer of the Calcutta 
revenues, he was also the magistrate in charge of ihe native inhabitants. 
As magistrate he had under hiiu a small police force, of which the 
numbers must be inferred from the scanty notices found in the Consult- 
ation Books. On the 16th February 1704 it is ordered that a native 
superintendent of police, 45 constables, two beadles, and 20 watch- 
men shall be taken into pay ,2 and on the 27th December 1706, in 
cousequence of various outrages committed in the town, the Collector 
was ordered for the present to entertain 31 watchmen.^ The accounts 
of the four offices in Calcutta show a total of only 30 constables and 
some 40 watchmen, but it is quite possible that some were told off to do 
duty in the fort. In Holwell's time the head-quarters of the Collector 
were in Town Calcutta,^ but in the days of the Rotation Government 
they would seem to have been in the Great Bazar, in which were sta- 
tioned the native superintendent and the greater part of the police force, 
and which, in addition to the usual drummer employed in every quarter 
of the town to assist in the publication of important notices, was in 
1712 able to boast of two trumpeters. 

In Holwell's time the Collector presided over two separate branches 
of administration, the Collector's office, which dealt with land and 
revenue questions, and the Magistrate's court, which dealt with both 
civil causes and criminal offences where natives only were concerned. 
This was practically his position under the Eotation Government. 
But at that time the Council made many attempts to take away 
the sole jurisdiction from the Collector, and deputed three of their 

» Holwell's Tracts, pp. 196, 197. 

^ Summaries, § 62. 

3 Ib„ § 188. 

" Holwell's Tracts, 207. 


number to form a court of justice. When first constituted in August 
1704,^ it was ordered to sit every Saturday from nine to twelve 
in the morning, but it does not seem to have met very regularly. 
In September iTOo,^ in May 1709,^ and in July 1710,-* we find notes 
in the cousaltations to the effect that the sittings of the court of 
justice had been suspended for the time. On 29th April 1706 a. 
registrar was appointed for the court.'^ The duty of the court was to 
hear and determine small controversies : the hearing of important cases 
was reserved for the full Council. We have an example of their 
administration of criminal justice in 17u6. In August of that year 
they ordered that a number of thieves and murderers who had been 
recently caught should be branded on the cheek and turned on the 
other side of the water. 

Although in great emergencies the Council might extemporise a 
volunteer force out of the European and Christian inhabitants,^ the 
.regular garrison of the fort consisted only of some hundred and fifty 
men, divided into two companies, each having a captain, or lieutenant 
and an ensign. There were besides four annourers, and a master-at- 
arms.^ These two weak companies, besides defending the Fort, had to 
xmdertake the safeguarding of the Company's boats up and down the 
river as far as Patna, and had sometimes to help to maintain order in the 
town. They were, no doubt, trained after the model of Marlborough's 
armies. Their uniform seems to have been red trimmed with blue.^ 
The soldiers were partly Portuguese, hired in the country, and partly 
English, recruited from home, perhaps by some young gentleman who 
wished to hold a commission under the Company.^ Their lot does not 
seem to have been enviable. Without any of the excitement or glory 
of war, they had to discharge the harassing duties of river police. 
Till the year 1710, they had no proper barracks to live in, but had to 
find lodgings for themselves, as best they coidd, anywhere in the town.^'' 
Till the autumn of 1707, there was no hospital for the numbers amono- 

Summaries, § 105. 

lb., § 147. 

lb., § 315. 

lb., § 394 

lb., § 168. 

lb., § 246. 

lb., § 304. 

lb., § 395. 

lb., Addenda, § 442. 

lb., § 366. 


them who were sick and dying. ^ Very few of these poor lads ever saw 
their native land again, and half of them never even reached India .^ 
Yet it was upon them that the merchants depended for the safety of 
the river and the defence of Calcutta. 

More important even than the fort and the garrison v?ere the 
Company's ships and sailors, for the English power was founded on the 
command of the sea. The Company's business in Bengal required two 
fleets. Besides the great sea-going ships, there were a large number of 
small sloops and boats which carried on the trade of the river, and 
brought down the saltpetre from Patna. The great ships did not come 
up the river farther than Calcutta, for the navigation of the river was 
then as now very difficult. It would have been impossible had it not 
been for the splendid service of pilots which the Company had estab- 
lished in 1668. At the beginning of the Rotation Government this 
service, it would seem, included three pilots, three masters, three boat- 
swains, and three or four apprentices.^ A large number of English, 
pilots must also have been employed on Indian and other foreign ships. 
In 1708 we find the Council threatening to stop all the Mogul shipping 
and' paralyse the trade at Hugli and Eajmahal by ordering all the 
English captains in the employ of the Indian government to repair to 
Calcutta.^ Altogether nothing can be more striking than the hold 
upon the river which the English had acquired even at this early date. 

' Summaries, § 218. 

2 ji^ § 308. 

3 i6.»Addenda, § 416. 
* lb., § 372. 



Such was the somewliat rough machinery of Government by which 
Calcutta was at this time administered and its trade protected. When 
we search the records for information as to the life of the place, we 
find very little said about those who constituted the great majority of 
the inhabitants. Of the Bengali families only one stands out with 
any distinctness, the great family which sprang from Mukundarama 
Sett, who with the assistance of the four Bysacks colonized Govindpur 
in the sixteenth century.^ Eighth in descent from the founder was 
Kenariima, the father of Janardana, Varanasi, and Nandarama Sett. 
Of these Janardana, the eldest brother, a fair, stout and good-looking 
man, was the Company's broker in the days of the Rotation Govern- 
ment, liberal and high-minded, like his better-known sou Vaisnava 
Charan, he commanded the respect and confidence of all who came 
into contact with him. His wife, Tunumani, was noted for her good 
works, for the charities which she endowed at Bindrabun, and for the 
twelve temples of Civa which she built at Katrunga.- Janardana was 

' G. D. Bysack's Kalighat and Calcutta, in the Calcutta E«view, XCII, 
p. 319. 

* I am indebted to Babu G. D. Bysack for this information. 


appointed tlie Company's broker on the 18th October, 1707.^ He is 
mentioned more than once in the records, and was evidently the most 
important of the Company's native servants.^ On the 9th February 
1712 he died, and was succeeded as broker by his brother Varanasi 

The records notice more than once the celebrated Armenian mer- 
chant, Khojah Israel Sarhad, the nephew of the great Khojah Phanoos 
Khalanthar. In the preceding period Sarhad had done good service in 
helping to secure the grant of the three towns from Prince 'Azimu-sh- 
Shan. In the days to come he was to still further distinguish himself 
as a diplomatist when sent with the embassy to Farrukbsiyar ; but 
at the present time he does not seem to have been on the best terms 
with the Council, who, on the 2nd May 1707, actually went to the 
length of seizing his goods to recover the money which he then owed 
the Company.^ 

As regards the life of the English in Calcutta, our infornoation is 
sufficiently abandant. Besides the numerous hints and touches supplied 
by the records, we have two contemporary accounts, one by Captain 
Alexander Hamilton and the other by Parson Benjamin Adams. Both 
are interesting and important ; but before accepting either we must in 
each case examine the circumstances under which our witness gives his 

Benjamin Adams, "a sober, virtuous, and learned man," had been 
appointed by the Court to the Bay on the 22nd November 1699, at the 
recommendation of Hewer, the friend of Pepys, and of Eyre, the late 
Agent at Calcutta. Four days later he had been ordained priest, and 
at Christmas-tide, when Eyre, newly knighted, set out for India in the 
Fame to resume service under the Company as President and Covernor 
of Fort William in Bengal, Adams sailed in his patron's train. He 
brouo-ht with him a collection of modern books which Hewer had pre- 
sented to the Company's library at Calcutta, a very acceptable addition 
to a place so far removed from (he civilizing influences of literature. 

Adams seems also to have brought with him a rather poor opinion 
of the spiritual state of bis intended flock, and the belief that it was 
his mission to effect a thorough reform. The natural results followed. 
When a young priest comes to a strange land, and with little knowledge 
of life and no knowledge of the society he is addressing, begins to 

' Summaries, § 183. 

2 ii., §§215, 311,319, 381,383. 

^ lb., §§ 312, 327. 

ADAMS*S Accouirr. 201 

criticise, admonish, rebuke and condemn, he must not be surprised if 
he finds himself laughed at and neglected. This was what befell Adams. 
Calcutta thought well and spoke well of its new Chaplain, but it did 
not pay much attention to his views on social reform. To Adanis tlie 
experience was a bitter disappointment, and he wrote home painting the 
condition of Calcutta in the most sombre colours.^ 

" The missionary clergy abroad," he says, "live under great dis- 
couragement and disadvantage with regard to the easy and successful 
discharge of their important office. For, to say nothing of the ill-treat- 
ment they meet with on all hands, resulting sometimes from the opposi- 
tion of their chiefs, who have no other notion of chaplains but that 
they are the Company's servants sent abroad to act for, under, and by 
them, upon all occasions, and sometimes from the perverseness and 
refractoriness of others, it is observable that it is not in the power to act 
but by legal process upon any emergent occasion, when instances of 
notorious wickedness present themselves. And because that cannot 
conveniently be had at so great distance [since all important cases have 
to be referred to Madras,] hence it comes to pass that they must suffer 
silently, being incapacitated to right themselves upon any injury or 
indignity offered, or, which is much worse, to vindicate the honour of 
our holy religion from the encroachments of libertinism and profaneness. 

"This everybody knows, and that knowledge is constant ground 
for licentiousuess aud ill-manners, to those especially whose dissoluteness 
prompts them to level both persons and things when that mav serve to 
the gratifying of their own extravagant and wild humour and interest. 

*' Were the injuries and indignities small and trivial, and such as in 
time by a competent care and prudence might either be avoided or 
redressed, a man might choose to bear them with patience rather than 
give himself the trouble of representing them to superiors. But 
notorious crimes had need be notoriously represented, or the infec- 
tion would grow too strong and epidemical. 

" For what, for instance, can any man say to that incestuous as well 
as adulterous marriage of Sir Nicholas Waite, President of Affairs for 
the New Company at Surat, with his niece, at a time when he expected 
his own lady by the next shipping? Or to that other adulterous 
marriage of William Warren, Surgeon to the Factory at Calcutta, with 
Eh'zabeth Binns, a widow there, though admonished, advised, and cau- 
tioned to the contrary, when she, and everybody that knew Mr. Warren 

' Hyde's Bengal Chaplaincy in the reipns of William and Mart/ and Anne. 
Indian Church Quarterltf, Vol. V, 1892. Also Rcigei' Diarv, II, .318, 319. 


knew also that he was married to another woman, who would have come 
out to him, if he had had a mind to it ? But it seems that the obliga- 
tions of marriage, or anything else, are of little consideration with 
Mr. "Warren, being a man of most pernicious principles and debauched 

" I might instance in several things of this nature which occur daily, 
to the great scandal of our Christian profession among other Europeans, 
not to mention how easily the more strict and reserved among the 
heathens may reproach us in that particular enormity, which I have 
been speaking of." ^ 

I think it would be most unfair to construe Adams's words 
into an indictment against the whole of the English colony in Cal- 
cutta. That offences against good morals were then far more com- 
mon and far more serious than they are now, we cannot doubt. We 
do not expect to find purity in the lower waters of a stream which 
is tainted at its source, and the beginning of the eighteenth 
century was the nadir of our morality. We do not expect the wall 
to stand firm when its buttresses have been removed, and Calcutta 
was then so far away from London that all the common moral res- 
traints and supports were to a great extent inoperative. We know 
that many of the exiles in that distant land formed unions, sometimes 
lawful, sometimes unlawful, with Portuguese and Indian women. We 
know that many of them were largely denationalized. The records 
make mention far too frequently of their quarrels and their punch-houses. 
They testify painfully to the prevalence of slavery. But for all that, 
there is no reason to believe that the majority of the Anglo-Indians 
of that time were not, as they always have been, sober, earnest, 
generous, and faithful. The charges made by Adams are sweeping 
enough, but only two definite cases are quoted, of which one occurred 
not at Calcutta but at Surat, which was supposed to be the godliest 
of the Company's factories. Against the solitary instance of Dr. 
Warren's misconduct, we can Set the lives of men like Beard, Hedges, 
and Adams himself, whose excellence we know from the letters and 
documents which remain ; and we need not doubt that could we read 
the recorded lives of all who lived at this period, the numbers of 
those who fell far short of the recognized standard of right conduct 
would be comparatively few . 

If we turn from Adams to Hamiltom we get a rather different 
picture. The captain, who from 1688 to 1723 was engaged in voyaging, 

» Hedges' Diary, II, 319, 320. 

Hamilton's account. 203 

hj land and by sea, between the Cape of Good Hope and Japan, has 
given us the results of his eastern experiences in two gossiping volumes 
published in 1727. As a private trader he had to sufEer many things 
at the hands of the Company's covenanted servants, and he consequently 
writes with a certain animus against them and their doings. He makes 
no mention of Dr. "Warren; but he retails with evident relish the 
various scandalous stories which were current about Job Chamock and 
his Indian wife y he also takes care to inform us of the corrupt prac- 
tices of President Weltden, whose " term of governing was very 
short," but who " took as short a way to be enriched by it, by harass- 
ing the people to fill his coffers." " Yet he was very shy," continues 
Hamilton, " in taking bribes, referring those honest folks who trafficked 
that way to the discretion of his wife and daughter, to make the best 
bargain they could about the sum to be paid and to pay the money 
into their hands. I could give many instances of the force of bribing 
both here and elsewhere in India, but am loth to ruflfle the skin of old 
sores." - It is unfortunate, perhaps, that Hamilton did not give other 
instances. As it is, these are the only serious charges which he has to 
make. One of them concerns an earlier period of our story and has 
already been disposed of ; the second relates to a man who was sent out 
by the Court to Bengal, and, therefore, tells very little against the 
character of the English in Calcutta. 

Hamilton's account of the religious state of the plaoe is quaint. 
"In Calcutta all religions are freely tolerated but the Presbyterian, 
and that they brow-beat. The pagans carry their idols in procession 
through the town ; the Roman Catholics have their church to lodge 
their idols in, and the Muhammadan is not discountenanced ; but 
there are no polemics, except what are between our high Church- 
men and our low, or between the Governor's party and other private 
merchants on points of trade. " ^ 

This brings us to the great sin of the English in Calcutta, their 
quarrelsomeness and violence. In one of his most amusing books, Jules 
Verne has described the strange results produced in the citizens of 
Uuiquendone by the experiment of Dr. Ox. The waggish man of 
science contrived to fill the sleepy Flemish town with oxygen gas, and 
the worthy Quiquendonians, who used to be no more animated than 
sponges or corals, became straightway changed, morally and physically. 

' Hamilton's East Indies, edition of 1727, vol. TI, p. 8. 

* lb., 11,10. 

3 lb., II, 13, 14. 


The very babies became insupportable ; the High School boys rebelled ; 
the burgomaster, Van Tricasse, hitherto incapable of deciding any- 
thing, now made twenty different decisions a day, scolding his officials 
and insulting his oldest friend, the Counseller Niklausse. They quar- 
relled in the streets ; they fought with pistols ; the police lost all control. 
At length, not satisfied with attacking each other, they determined 
to declare war on their neighbours at Yirgamen, in consequence of an 
insult more than seven hundred years old. 

It might well be supposed from all that is recorded about the days 
of the Rotation Government that a similar experiment was in progress 
in Calcutta. The wranglings and janglings of the double-headed 
government were notorious throughout India.^ Page after page of the 
Consultation Book is filled with miserable disputes as to who should 
succeed to the Council and what should be his position. From the 
Council Chamber the disease spread far and wide. Captain South was 
ready to fight with Hedges about his salutes : ^ Littleton spent the last 
years of his life in abusing his colleagues : ^ even parson Adams was 
admonished to be more peaceable.* The ladies quarrelled about their 
places in church ; ^ the sailors quarrelled with the landsmen ; ^ the Com- 
pany's servants with the private traders. For, although, as Hamilton 
puts it, " the conscript fathers of the colony disagree in many points 
among themselves, yet they all agree in oppressing strangers who are 
consigned to them, not sufiering them to buy or sell their goods at the 
most advantageous market, but of the Grovernor and his Council who 
fix their own prices, high or low as seemeth best to their wisdom or 
discretion, and it is a crime hardly pardonable for a private merchant to 
go to Hooghly to inform himself of the current-prices of goods, although 
the liberty of buying and selling is entirely taken from him before." ^ 
"The colony has very little manufactory of its own, for the government 
being pretty arbitrary, discourages ingenuity and industry in the popu- 
lace ; for by the weight of the Company's authority if a native chances 
to disoblige one of the upper house, he is liable to arbitrary punishment 
either by fine, imprisonment, or corporal sufferings." ^ 

» Hedges' Diary, II, 106. 

2 Summaries, § 87. 

3 See above, pp. 164, 165. 

* Summaries, § 167. 

6 lb., § 168. 

* lb., 164; and Addenda, § 4l7. 

7 Hamiltou's Eatt Indies, 12, 13. 

8 lb., 14. 


From the bints given us in the records and from the little that 
Hamilton tells us about the social life of Calcutta, it would seem to 
have been much the same as it was twenty or thirty years before. 
Its main features were preserved, but it was larger and freer. The 
English sailed up and down the river as they pleased, and on land 
from the south mark at Govindpur to that in the" north near Bara- 
nagar, from the river to the salt lake, they were supreme.^ The mode 
of life was still to a great extent moulded on the pattern of an Oxford 
college. The established discipline still required residence inside the 
factory walls, and daily attendance in church for prayers,- and at the 
Company's table for dinner.^ But these regulations were yielding to 
the force of circumstances. The garrison, which consisted of some 
one hundred and fifty soldiers, had to be quartered in the town.^ On 
various pretexts the Company's servants were given a diet apart, and 
allowed to rent lauds and build separate houses for themselves, till at 
last, in May 1713, the general table was abolished on the score of 
economy. In 1708 it was agreed that as the town was rapidly growing 
and provisions were accordingly becoming dearer, the diet money must 
be iucreased. In future the two chairmen were allowed sixty rupees 
each a month, and the other married members of the Council thirty 
rupees.* Their salaries, however, remained unaltered. The two chair- 
men and the chaplain received each £100 a year, and the members of 
the Council £40, "to be paid in the country as the Court and the 
managers direct at 2s. 6d. per rupee." ^ 

As in Hugli, so here the Company had its garden to furnish the 
Governor's table with herbage and fruits, and some fish ponds to serve 
his kitchen with good carp, calcops, and mullet. " Most of the inhab- 
itants of Calcutta," says Hamilton, "that make any tolerable fio-ure 
have the same advantages ; and all sorts of provisions, both wild and 
tame, being plentiful, good and cheap, as well as clothing, make the 
country very agreeable. 

"On the other side of the river are docks made for fitting and 
repairing their ships' bottoms, and a pretty good garden belono-ino- to 
the Armenians, that had been a better place to have built their fort 
and town in for many reasons. Ono is, that where it now stands, 

J See above p. 191. 
- Summariei, § 120. 
' lb., § 139. 

* lb., § 366. 

• lb., § 266. 
' 15., § 118. 


the afternoon's sun is full in the fronts of the houses, and shines hot 
on the streets that are both above and below the fort ; the sun would 
have sent its hot rays on the back of the houses, and the fronts had 
been a good shade for the streets. ^ 

"Most gentlemen and ladies in Bengal live both splendidly and 
pleasantly, the fdrenoons being dedicated to business, and after dinner 
to rest, and in the evening to recreate themselves in chaises or palan- 
kins in the fields, or to gardens, or by water in the budgerows, which 
is a convenient boat that goes swiftly with the force of oars. On the 
river sometimes there is the diversion of fishing and fowling, or both ; 
and before night they make friendly visits to one another, when pride 
or contention do not spoil society, which too often they do among the 
ladies, as discord and faction do among the men." ^ 

1 may add that they sometimes went hunting, and that occasionally 
the whole Council took a holiday trip up the river. 

Being a man, Captain Hamilton has not condescended to tell us 
about the costume of the period. No doubt, though always a little 
behind the time, they did their best to keep up with the prevailing 
fashions, and the beauty and fashion of Calcutta, when they took their 
promenade on the green before the fort, arrayed themselves in dresses 
which recalled those worn by Bellinda and Sir Plume at Hampton 
Court five years previously. 

In private life, however, the dwellers by the steamy banks of the 
Hugli adopted attire much less formal and exquisite. Even at the 
meetings of the Council the members thought of comfort rather than 
dignity, and we must picture them dressed in muslin shirts, long 
drawers, and starched white caps, sitting in the consultation room, with 
a case bottle of good old arrack and a goglet of water on the table, 
which the Secretary, with skilful hand, converted into punch as 
occasion arose.^ 

For all this the life led in Calcutta in these earliest days would not, 
according to modern ideas, appear either so splendid or so pleasant as it 
did to Hamilton. Books were scarce ; outdoor games rare. We hear 
nothing of card playing^ or dancing. There was no race-course, no 
spacious esplanade, no hotels, no theatres, no assembly rooms. Their 

* Hamilton's East Indies, II, 11, 12.' 

2 Ih., 12. 

3 Letter from An Old Country Captain in the India Gazette, February 24th, 

■* I find mention of a card table in a list of goods sold in 1719. 


wildest excitement must have been to sit in Mistress Domingo Ash's 
parlour, sipping arrack punch and listening to the story of the most 
recent quarrel amongst the dignities or the news brought by the latest 
ship ; how a Dutch vessel had been chased by a French cruiser from 
the gulf of Mocha towards the Malabar Coast ; and how the chaplain 
had refused to surrender one of his servants to justice, and had so 
come into conflict with Mr, Russell ; how the English had failed to re- 
establish the factory at Ban jar ; and how Mr. Hedges had refused 
to resume his seat on the Council. 

If Dame Fortune's wishing shoes, about which Hans Andersen 
has so much to tell us, were in existence and could be procured in 
Calcutta, I do not think the most discontented inhabitant of the 
modern city would be well advised to wish himself back into the days 
of the Eotation Government. If he did, he would probably find much 
more cause for complaint and regret than even the Coimcillor Knap 
when transported by the magic of the shoes to the times of King Hans. 
Imagine such a one with the fateful coverings on his feet leaving the 
General Post Office late at night on his way home. He has been 
employed till past nine o'clock in making up and sealing bags of letters 
and parcels, and wishes with all his heart that he had lived centuries ago 
when communications were less numerous and less rapid. The shoes 
work at his wish. He steps out of the great portico into the Calcutta of 
age of Good Queen Anne. The lofty buildings, the pavement, the lamps, 
the metalled street, the carriages, the tram-lines, all disappear. By the 
faint glimmer of the moon he can see a rough roadway. Beyond lies 
the only thing in the old town with which the modem citizen is fami- 
liar, the great " tank " vsdth the grassy green surrounding it. To the 
south are bushy trees, that<;hed hovels, and pools of stinking water, 
which render the path leading to the burial-ground and the fields any- 
thing but inviting. The Post Office has vanished, and behind him in 
its place stand the red walls of the fort. He turns and walks north- 
wards, following them, till he reaches the gate. It is shut. Leaving on 
his right the great avenue to the eastward, and the new church, he 
passes up the broad street to where the lights show that people are 
still up and stirring. He stumbles into a large garden and finds him- 
self in the porch of a low single-storeyed dwelling, where, let us hope, 
despite his strange Victorian garb, he is welcomed and allowed 
to rest his bewildered head. In the morning, if the spell should 
still last, fresh surprises would await him. The majority of the 
English inhabitants are living in bungalows in the quarter of Calcutta 


which extends to the north of the great tank, their main reservoir of 
sweet water. Along the avenue to the eastward, which leads from the 
fort to the Salt Lake, there are but a few newly-built houses. To the 
south of the green, before the fort, there are plenty of eligible sites for 
building. Some plots have been taken up already by the Company 
for its stables, hospital, barracks, and powder magazine. There are as 
yet no Court House and no Court-house Street. The green extends 
right up to the Eope Walk, which modern Calcutta calls Mission Row. 
At the back of the town is the immemorial pilgrim path from Chitpur 
to Kalighat, which is intersected by the Eastern Avenue at the " cross 
roads," where criminal Justice is publicly meted out to offenders. On 
every side there are large wastes of unreclaimed land. The place reeks 
with malaria. A very hasty glance at his surroundings fills our 
translated citizen with a hearty desire to return to modern times, and 
with that the charm is at an end. 

But is it fair thus to view the old settlement from the stand-point 
of modern progress ? Perhaps not ; yet tried even by the low standard 
of its own day it was extraordinarily unhealthy. Death overshadowed 
every living soul. Hamilton says that in one year, out of t\»'elve 
hundred English in Calcutta, no less than four hundred and sixty died 
between August and the January following.^ No direct confirmation 
of this terrible mortality bill is to be found in the records ; but both 
in August 1705, when a second surgeon was appointed to assist 
Dr. Warren, and in October 1707, when it was resolved to build a 
hospital, we are informed that the sick and dying were superabundant.^ 

' Hamilton's East Indies, II, 7, 8. 
^ Summaries, §§ 145, 218. 



When we remember that the town had at this time no proper 
drains, no good water-supply, and very few solid buildings or open 
roads, the unhealthiness of Calcutta is not much to be wondered at» 
No doubt during the whole period of the Rotation Government great 
efforts were made towards supplying these deficiencies. Private houses 
sprang up in all directions, — by the riverside, along the roads, out 
in the fields. On the 27th March 1704, the Council ordered a book 
to be prepared in which " leases, bills of sale, and agreements made 
by the freemen inhabitants of Calcutta" should be entered, *'the 
Secretary's fee to be two rupees for registering the same," ^ and in the 
Consultation Book itself we have noted from time to time a good many 
transactions relating to lands and houses. There was, however, no 
proper agency to supervise these private enterprises, or to carry out 
public works and improvements. Consequently, as Hamilton observes, 
"the town was built without order, as the builders thought most 
convenient for their own affairs ; every one taking in what ground 
best pleased them for gardening, so that in most houses you must 

' Summaries, § 68. 


pass through a garden into the house; the English building near 
the river's side, and the natives within land." ^ 

The arsenal of Calcutta, and seat of the Company's Government in 
Bengal, took from 15 to 20 years to build, and was even then not 
completed.^ As it stood by the riverside in 1710, Fort "William was 
in shape "an irregular tetragon of brick and mortar." Its north 
side was 340 feet long, its south side 485 feet ; its east and west sides 
710 feet.^ At the four corners were four small bastions which were 
connected by curtain walls about 4 feet thick and 18 feet high. They 
were built of small thin bricks strongly cemented together with a com- 
position of brick-dust, lime, molasses, and cut hemp.^ Each of the four 
bastions mounted ten guns, and the east gate, which projected, carried 
five. The bank of the river was armed with heavy cannon mounted 
in embrasures on a wall of solid masonry, and the space between this 
river wall and the west curtain was closed at each end by small cross 
walls with palisaded gates. There were, however, no proper ditches or 
military outworks of any kind to protect the other three sides of the 
fort. Within, a block of low buildings running east and west cut the 
fort into two sections, which were connected by a narrow passage. 
The northern section of the Fort had one small water gate, and in its 
centre an oblong building with a row of columns down the middle. The 
southern and larger section had two gates, one leading to the river and 
the landing stage, the other opening out to the eastward and giving 
access to the town. In the middle of this section was the Grovernor's 
house, which Hamilton describes as "the best and most regular piece 
of architecture that I ever saw in India. "^ This building formed 
three sides of a quadrangle. The west and principal face was 
Si45 feet long. In the centre of this face was the main door of 
the Governor's house, and from it a colonnade ran down to the water- 
gate and the landing stage. Entering the doorway and turning to 
your left you ascended the great flight of stairs which led to the hall 

' Hamilton's East Indies, II, 9. 

2 For the tqpography of the fort see tny article on the subject in the 
Jffurnal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Pt. I, 1893, pp. 104 to ]27; also Mr. 
Koskell Bayne's Note on the remains of portions of Old Fort William, in the 
same Journal, Pt. I, 1883, pp. 106 to 119. 

^ I get these lengths by actual measurement. They are the extreme dimen- 
sions. Orme gives other measurements, which were probably taken from centre 
to centre of the bastions. 

* Hamilton's East Indies, II, 13. 

'J6., II, 11. 


and the principal rooms. The south-east wing contained the apart- 
ments of the Grovernor. A raised cloister ran round the three sides 
of the court enclosed within the building. All round the fort, 
chambers and arcades were built against the curtain walk, their roofs 
serving as ramparts. To those lying south of the east gate a melan- 
choly interest attaches. They were the scene of the Black Hole 

Something but not all of the history of these buildings can be 
collected from the records. As early as 1693, Sir John Goldsborough 
had marked out the site of the fort with a mud wall, but the English 
did not venture to begin to build till the rebellion of Cubha Singha in 
1696. It appears from the Sutanuti diary that on the 1st January 
1697 they were " employed in fortifying themselves 'and wanted 
proper guns for the points." For the present they only asked for ten, 
from which it may be inferred that only one bastion was then in 
existence. The so-called fort, in fact, consisted merely of three or 
four walls with a square brick tower at the north-east angle, built to 
look like a warehouse for fear of exciting the jealousy of the Mogul. 
In the year 1700 and 1701 the question of strengthening the fortifi- 
cations was forced upon the Council at Calcutta by the return of Sir 
Charles Eyre, who had been sent out from home for this very purpose.* 
Upon his hasty departure the work was taken up by Beard, who, 
at the beginning of 1702, was able to report that he had made 
such substantial additions to Fort William that it was strong enough 
to ward off any attack by the Country Powers.^ The additions 
probably included the building of a new bastion at the south-east 
angle, and the encasing of the old square bastion at the north-east angle 
with flanks and salients to give it a more proper military shape. 
The remains of all these works, now buried beneath a mass of modem 
erections, have from time to time been brought to light by excavations 
made in the course of laying down new foundations. In 1883 Mr. 
RoskeU Bayne examined the site of the north-east angle of the fort, 
and measured all the old walls. The masonry work was found to be of 
good material and very hard to break into. The walls of the old 
square bastion were more than six feet thick. Those of the new 
outer bastion were still thicker. They "were battered," says the 
engineer, " with a fall in of about one in ten, and the outer faces were 
finished with a thin coat of lime plaster of a rich crimson tint and 

* For these statements, see ante, pp. 143, 149, 157. 
' Brace's Annals, II, 444, 445. 

P 2 

212 ADDITIONS IN 1707. 

reticulated in imitation of stone work, the stones being about 1 foot 
6 inches long by about 9 to 10 inches deep." ^ 

When on the 1st February 1 704 President Beard handed over to 
the Eotation Government the garrison and factory, the fortifications 
consisted of nothing but three or four walls, with two bastions at the 
north-east and south-east corners of the enclosure. It was not till the 
death of Aurangzeb in 1707 that anything further was done to strength- 
en the fort. During the confusion of the interregnum two regular 
bastions were built on the water-side to correspond with those on the 
land side. The military paymaster was ordered " to see it well per- 
formed out of hand, and to that end to take all the materials in the 
town that are necessary thereto, that it may be quickly erected, for 
we may not meet with such an opportunity again." ^ The signs of 
haste were still visible in the north-west bastion, when its remains were 
dug up in 1883. Its courses of bricks were irregular; its outlines 
confused; its dimensions contracted.^ In February 1709 the English 
took a further step of the greatest importance to the health and safety 
of their settlement. On the east side of the fort lay a small pond of 
water. By deepening and lengthening it, additional security was given 
to the south-east angle of the fortification, and a large reservoir was 
provided of water, far sweeter and healthier than the brackish Hugli 
which had hitherto been the drink of the garrison. The earth taken 
out of the excavation was used to fill up the space between the two 
new bastions and the bank was faced with rubble and ballast.* In 
February 1710 they began to build a wharf before the fort, facing it 
with brick and raising a breastwork on which to plant cannon.^ Lastly, 
to complete these improvements in the external surroundings of the 
place, a clearance was made to' the south where the ground was choked 
up and close set with trees, small thatched hovels, and standing pools 
of stinking water. In August the paymaster was ordered to clear the 
ground and open the way directly before the factory, " continuing the 
present walk already made further into the open field, filling up all 
the holes, and cutting small trenches on each side to carry the water 
clear from the adjacent places into the large drains."^ 

1 Eoskell Bayne in Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Pt. I, 1883, 
p. 109. 

- Suvrvmaries, § 202. 

^ Eoskell Bayne in Jowrwa^ of <^e Asiatic Society of Bengal, Pt. I, 1883, 
p. 110. 

* Summaries, § 296. 
» lb., § 365. 

• 2b., § 398. 


While such was the progress of the external defences of the factory, 
the growth of the internal buildings was no less slow. It would'seem 
that originally the principal buildings occupied the northern end of 
the enclosed space. At first they were of the meanest description. 
The Company's store places, outhouses, and stables consisted of nothing 
but mud walls and thatched roofs. Brick and mud were probably 
the materials used for the armoury and factory, of which the former 
occupied the centre of the north ward, while the latter seems to have 
stood on the site of the dividing block of buildings afterwards assigned 
*'to the young gentlemen in the Company's service."^ In 1706 the 
old factory house was hardly fit for habitation. It had long been 
falling into decay, and had been so much injured by recent storms 
that it had given way in places. It was accordingly ordered to be 
pulled down, and other lodgings were prepared for the gentlemen 
that lay in it. ^ Meanwhile, in the south ward, the new Governor's 
house was being built, which so much excited the admiration of Captain 
Hamilton. This fine piece of architecture was put together with 
considerable deliberation. It seems to have been commenced in 
1702^ and not to have been finished till the middle of 1706. At the 
beginning of 1704, when Littleton enquired what accommodation could 
be given to him in Calcutta, he found that there were but few good 
rooms finished in the new house,* and, in fact, the first floor was 
not completely roofed in till just before the rainy season of that 

Every year, as the Company's trade developed and the number of 
the Company's servants, civil and military, increased, the difficulty of 
finding room for them all became more pressing. On aU sides ware- 
houses were erected against the walls, under the pleasing belief that they 
strengthened the fortification.^ In other cases accommodation had to be 
sought outside the fort altogether. In 1707 for example, the authorities 

* This is conjecture. It is certain that the old buildings were at the north 
end; and when 1 dug up the foundations of the dividing block of buildings in 
1892, 1 found the foundations of older " brick-in-mud " buildings beneath. 

- Summaries, § 164. I suppose that the old factory house was condemned a& 
soon as the new house was completed. 
' lb., § 24. 

* Ib.,§ 45. 

* lb., § 50. 

* Thus in May 1708 the Council strengthened, the fortification by continuing 
the sorting warehouse, which was buUt inside the south curtain till it reached the 
new south-west bastion {Summaries, § 248) ; and io the next year they rebuilt the 
▼hole of it in a more solid manner {Summaries. § 300). 


in Calcutta were at last induced to. attend to the needs of the soldiers 
and sailors, who every year fell sick and died in large numbers, owing 
to the cruel manner in which they were neglected. After frequent 
representations had been made by the doctors, the Council agreed on the 
16th October that a convenient spot, close to the burial ground, should be 
pitched on as the site of a hospital, and contributed two thousand rupees 
towards the building expenses. The rest of the money was raised by 
public subscription.^ Of this institution Hamilton has expressed a 
somewhat modified approbation. "The Company," he says, "has 
a pretty good hospital at Calcutta, where many go in to undergo the 
penance of physic, but few come out again to give account of its opera- 
tion," ^ In 1710, in order to put a stop to the unwholesome practice 
of allowing the soldiers to lodge in the town, the hospital was 
walled round and barracks erected for them to live in under the 
supervision of their oflScers.^ 

But of all the buildings erected at this time without the fort, the 
most important was the Church of St. Anne. The first proposals for a 
separate place of worship in Calcutta were made in September 1704, in 
a joint letter to the Council by Benjamin Adams and by William 
Anderson, the former Chaplain of the " English Company" at Hugli. 
At that time, owing, to the union of the two Companies, the English 
inhabitants had become so numerous that there was "no place able to 
contain the congregation that would meet at divine service if there 
were rooms sufficient to contain them," and the Council lent a willing 
ear to the suggestions of the two clergymen. To the building fund, 
to which the commanders of ships, the Company's servants, and the 
free inhabitants had liberally contributed, they added Es. 1,000,* and 
when towards the end of October Adams was obliged to make a sea- 
voyage to Madras for his health, they furnished him with a letter to 
the authorities of Fort St. G eorge to enable him to raise money there 
too.® The site fiist assigned to the Church was a plot of ground in the 
*' Broad street," ^ but in deference to a chorus of objections on the part 
of the inhabitants, who threatened to withdraw their subscriptions, it 
was changed for another immediately opposite the east curtain of the 

' Summaries, § 218. 

' Hamilton's East Indies, II, 11. 

•^ Summaries, § 366. 

' lb., § 1 18. 

* lb., § 127. 

« lb., § 128. 


Fort.^ The work of building now began in right earnest. Adams, 
however, continued to collect subscriptions till September 1706, when 
he called a conference and arranged that the raising of funds, as well 
as the supervision of the building, should be left to lay agency. In a 
somewhat mysterious letter to the Council, dated the 19th of the month, 
he gives as his reason for this step, that " Brother Anderson had not re- 
putation enough among the gentlemen to obtain their subscriptions" and 
that he himself is about to resign his Chaplaincy at Michaelmas. There- 
fore "at this juncture it were more advisable that the collection should 
proceed upon indifferent trustees." *' And I wish," he adds, "with all 
my heart, they may collect more money than I did last year, which will 
enable them to do what is useful if not ornamental to the Church; 
and that in any corner of the world would be acceptable news to your 
friend and servant, Benjamin Adams." - In spite of the wishes of the 
worthy clergyman the trustees do not seem to have done much for the 
Church. In February 1707 it was found that the work was at a stand- 
still owing to the want of proper or regular proceedings, and Edward 
Battle and John Maisters were ordered to take the matter in hand at 
once. They were to receive subscriptions, supervise the building, and 
see that it went on regularly, and to make a monthly report to the 
Council.' The work now proceeded rapidly. Early in the following year 
it had advanced so far that Anderson was able to write to the Bishop 
of London and ask him to arrange for the consecration. By the begin- 
ning of 1709 the Church was complete. On the 9th May, Anderson, 
as Bishop's Commissary, laid before the Council the commission to con- 
secrate, and received permission to execute it.* On the 5th June, being 
the Sunday after Ascension Day, the Church was duly dedicated to the 
service of God in the name of St. Anne.^ 

The structure of St. Anne's has recently been studied with loving 
care by Mr. H. B. Hyde,^ and by a comparison of various views and 
plans, its most important dimensions and features have been ascertained. 
The length of the Church was eighty feet. The interior consisted of a 
nave about twenty feet broad, with a high-pitched roof divided by rows 

' Summaries, § 134. 
a Ih., § 176. 
3 lb., § 190. 
* Ih., § 318. 
» lb., § 328. 

« See his article on the Bengal Chaplaincy in the reigns of William and 
Mary and Anne in Ihe Indtan Church Quarttrh/, Vol. V, 1892. 


of pillars from the north and south aisles. At the east end was a 
circular apse for the sanctuary. The west end was a massive section 
containing the vestibule, the vestry, and the tower staircase. The tower 
itself, which was twenty feet square, was divided into three storeys and 
surinounted by a balustrade. In 1712 a bell, sent out by the Court, 
was ordered to be hung in a convenient handsome place over the porch, 
and an octagonal spire was in consequence added to the tower. For 
nearly fifty years the sacred edifice continued to be the chief ornament 
of the English settlement in Bengal, and in the earliest view of 
Calcutta you may see its lofty steeple rising into the sky, above all the 
buildings of the fort. 

In the foregoing pages I have tried to trace the main outlines of 
the early history of the English in Bengal, up to and including the 
story of the Eotation Government, in the years 1704 to 1710, and 
I hope that, in the light of what I have written, the extracts from and 
summaries of the Bengal Records, given in this and subsequent volumes, 
will be intelligible and interesting to the reader. I have tried to bear 
in mind that history is the exposition of a coherent series of social 
changes. I have tried to show the necessity for the English settlement 
at Calcutta, and I have begun to sketch the consequences of this settle- 
ment. The story of the first twenty years suggests three points of view 
from which to follow the subsequent course of events, the external 
relations of the EngKsh Government, the effect of the settlement on the 
character of the English settlers, and lastly its effect on the character of 
the natives of the country. 

The external policy of the English was determined by the nature of 
the Mogul Government, a Government which exacted constant supplies 
of tribute from the Lower Provinces, and yet was unable in return to 
secure peace and good order. The great object of the Viceroy of 
Bengal and of his subordinates was to extract from the country enough 
gold and silver to satisfy the demands of Delhi and their own cupidity. 
The European trading companies were their great mines of wealth, 
which they worked vigorously. So anxious were they to get every 
golden egg they could from their foreign geese, that they often came 
near to killing the geese themselves. The English, to defend them- 
selves against these exactions, took refuge in Calcutta, where the strength 
of their position enabled them to make more advantageous terms with 
the nabob of Bengal. During the twenty years of which this volume 


treats, these advantages were seen to be very real. The English settle- 
ment advanced by leaps and bounds, and its progress would have been 
still greater, had it noh been for the disputes between the rival com- 
panies, and the uncertainty of the nature of the English legal position, 
an uncertainty which was remedied, as will be seen in the next volume, 
by the English embassy to Farrukhsiyar. 

The second point of inter, st is the effect of the settlement in Bengal 
on the English themselves. The first settlers became very largely 
Indianised in their manners and customs ; but as time went on, and the 
English became more numerous^ they were better able to resist the 
influences by which they were surrounded, and preserve their own 
national characteristics. Towards this safeguarding of the English 
character the settlement at Calcutta must have greatly contributed. 

The effect of the English settlement on the natives of the country 
is not very noticeable in the story as far as I have brought it, yet this 
perhaps is the most important point of all. In Calcutta the English 
made many of their first experiments in ruling India. Ralph Sheldon 
is the first English Collector and Magistrate in Bengal.^ Poor and 
unworthy as the aiiministration of the early settlement may seem to 
modem eyes, we can have no doubt that it presented a very favourable 
contrast to the government of the surrounding districts, a contrast which 
was not forgotten in 1757. The development of the administration of 
Calcutta and the introduction of British order and justice should be 
among the most interesting points upon which the volumes of records 
which I have yet to summarise may be expected to throw light. 

* The principal regulations introduced, or intended to be introduced, by 
the Permanent Settlement are found in force in Calcutta under the Kotation 
Government. The English Council, as the permanentlj settled collector, makes 
a survey of its lands. The rent is paid at the customary rate of not more than 
three rupees a bigha. Every tenant has to take out a deed declaring the area 
of his land and the rent due on it. The native officers in charge of th.e land 
records are converted into "rent-gatherers" in the pay of the Collectorace. 
See Summaries, sections 205, 2r6, 207 ; and compare Sir W. W. Hunter's Bengal 
M. S. Recorda, edition of 1804, Volume I, Historical Dissertation on Land 
Eights, especially pages 55, 61, 67, 120.) 



For the yeaks 1704 to 1710. 



Accounts of the English Company. 

Charges general 
Ee pairs 
Mary Smack 
Servants' wages 
New house 
Butler's room 
Summer house 

Es. A. p. 

47 3 3 

23 1 6 

26 3 3 

133 5 6 

]24 8 6 

60 11 

28 12 6 

57 11 3 

813 1 9 

Cash sent to Parransow [?Prdn Qdha] at 

Jessore to provide timbers ... ... SOO 

1,594 10 6 

Expenses added ; both Companies together ... 2,968 7 9 


The account of the revenues collected out of the three towns and 
bazar for the month of October by Ealph Sheldon 
was perused and passed, the particulars being as 
follows : — 

December 6th, 

Accounts of the Revenue of 
Faid hy Bassar [Bazar]. 

For servants* wages, etc. — 
Catwall \_Kotwal] 


Four writers, Rs. 18-8 ; 
fifteen peons, Es. 31 ; ten 
paikes [pdiks], Es. 15-8... 65 

Four rent-gatherers, Es. 
6-4 ; drummer and piper, 
Es. 1-12 

Hollocore [halal-Tchor] ... 

Paper, 6a; ink, 2a 

Balance paid into cash 





the three Toicns, month of October 1703. 




4 U 

4 9 
8 9 

Es. A. 


By rent of houses 

. 327 10 


Batta [BattS^— 

297-lOi sicca 10 p.(\ . 

. 29 12 


1 ditto 

. 1 



1 14 

(7 currt.) 

359 6 3 

By sundry petty incomes — 
Eecovery of debts 

Peons' pay on business ... 
Marriage fees 
Sallamie ^Salami] ... 

Duties on firewood 
Customs on grain, etc., 

taken in specie and sold 












14 15 fi 
392 8 9 





For servants' wages, etc. — 
Sheekdar ^^shiqdar], Ks. 4; 

three mundels [mandall, 

Es. 2 

One Putwarie [^aficart], 

Bs. 2; five peons, Es. 10 
Mending the catcherrie and 

Cloth to tie up the papers 
Mending the highways 
A seerpau [sar-o-pa] to two 

mundells \mandals] 

Es. A. p. 






2 1 


By rent o£ houses and land... 
Batta [Batta'] on houses 
at 10 p. c. 

Es. A. p. 

203 15 3 

20 6 3 

26 2 3 




By sundry petty incomes ; — 

marriage fees, 7 rupees ; 

recovering debts, Es. 2-7 ; 

sallamie [salami], Es. 22 ; 

fines, Es. 2 ; batta, 7 annas ; 

fruit sold, 4 annas 3 pie ; — 

Equals altogether 




]S^ew bazar — 

Mart rent, Es. 2 ; duties on 

goods, Es. 1-7t ; weighers' 

duties, Es. 1 ; batta, 65 

annas ... ,,. 




Pole money received, sicca... 










Soot^ Loofa. 

Servants' wages, etc.— 
Shikdar [shiqddr] 
Putwarrie [pat tea ri} 
Five peons ... 
Ink and paper 

Es. A. p. 



17 1 

54 15 
5 8 

5 8 

Es. A. 

By rent of land and houses 134 3 
Batta at 10 p. c 13 q 

Petty incomes, nine marts of 

this month... 

Batta at 10 p. c. ... 

Weighers' duties, Es. 6 ; batta 
8 annas 

Cuttie Mangun [? ^ittti 
■mangati], Rs. 14-8^ ; batta 
Re. 1-7 

Duties on fruits out of gardens 

Fines, Ee. I ; recovering debt, 
3 annas 

Sallamie, 8 annas ; pole mo- 
ney, 32 sicca, annas 7 
Batta, Ks. 3-4 

Assaurie [? ashdri] by the 
fishers, Es. 6-5 
Batta, 10 annas ... 



15 15 
5 9 


33 15 

3 4 

6 5 


279 6 





To servants' wages, etc. — 
Sheekdar, Es. 4; patwarrie, 
Ee. 1-8 ; spreading, Ke. 1 
Charges on the three towns — 
Vacquell [Valcll], Es. 5. 
2 writers, Es. 6, 8 cabars 
[kahars], Es. 8 ... 
Ink and paper Re, 1-3, oil 

annas 12 ,., 

To the Government peon ... 

To balance into cash 

Es. A. 



6 8 

19 8 

1 15 

1 4 


29 3 


72 6 


735 5 


807 12 

Es. A.. 7. 

By rent of houses and land 160 

Advance on cowries received 10 

BattaatlOp.c 16 

Sundry petty incomes, goods 

received in specie and sold 

for ... • 2 13 

Sallammie 2 

Pole money sicca 47 4 

Batta ... 4 11 9 

Assurie by fishermen ... 8 

Batta 10 9 

242 7 3 

665 4 9 

807 12 

John Calvert, Sect. 

John Beard. 
JoNA. White.^ 
E.ALPH Sheldon. 
John Eussell. 


The Company's petre boats arrive at Eajmahal and are there 
stopped because they had neither the Prince's 

December 30th. ^^ '' 

nor the Diwan s sanad. Mr. Redshaw has 
gone there to see after them. They send him a thousand rupees, and 
order him to clear the boats at any price ; otherwise the saltpetre will 
not be at Fort William in time for shipping. 


The charges general keeper receives four hundred rupees to pay the 
workmen on the building and to procure some 
fine chunam \chunam.'] 

December 30th. 


John Matroon, chief mate of the President's ship Monsoon, coming 
into the river, took out of a Moor's ship some 
cowries, stores, etc. The President hearing of 
this ordered that the goods should be given up to the Council and 

December 30th. 

» White died on the 3rd January, 1784, in the 34th year of his age. 
St. John's Churchyard, Calcutta, in the Charnock mausoleum. 

Hia tombstone is in 



reserved, in case any demand should be made, as it might prove 
disadvantageous for the Company, if the Moors complained. Finally, 
the goods were sold at public auction, and the money they fetched 
paid back. 


The account of the revenues collected out of the three towns and 

bazars for the month of November 1703, and was 

perused and passed, the particulars being as 

follows: — 


, Credit. 

December 30th. 


To servants' wages — 
Foot writers 
Fifteen peons 
Ten paikes ... 
Four rent gatherers 
Hollocore ... 
Drummer and piper 
Paper and ink 

Es. A. p. 





1 12 


78 4 

To balance paid into cash 112 8 9 
190 12 9 

By rent of land and houses 
Sicca at 10 per cent. 

100 0] 10 
2 o! 3 
19 0' 2 
1 o| 10 


(Current 17 12). 

By sundry petty 
incomes, i.e., for the 
amount of one year 
and rent of ground 
for leases granted 
to the English, t e.. 
Sir Charles Eyre's 
I'Srge ...10 

Ditto, smaller ... 5 

Gunner Price, 1 ditto 3 

Batta at 10 per 

Peon's pay 

Marriage duties 

Kecovering debts 

i part 
Duties on firewood 
Customs on grain, 

etc., taken in 

specie and sold 

for ... 






19 3 
. 1 li 


. 4 8 
. 1 1 

. 6 4 
. 2 


A. P. 


10 6 

21 2 
6 9 

8 4 9 



26 5 

190 12 9 





To servants' wages, etc. — 
One putwarie \_pattDari ] 
Two mundells [^man^ala] 
One peon ... ,, 

Sheekdar [,ghiqddr] 

Es. A. 



1 8 

1 8 






Es. A. p. Es. A. p. 

By rent of land 
and houses ... 99 1 3 
BattaatlOpercent.9 14 3 

■ 108 15 6 

By sundry petty 
incomes — 

Salammie ..; 300 

Eecovering debts 7 4 
Fines ... 4 

14 4 

New buzzar, i.e. — 

Mart rents ... 2 
Duties on goods 

sold for ... 1 7 

Weigher's duties 10 

Batta ... 6 


...127 15 6 

To servants' wages— 


... 3 


... 2 

Fire peons 


Charges on the 


settled houses 


Two paikes 

... 2 


One drummer 



Charges on making a 
new buzzar in set- 
tling 105 houses, 
being for 7 months, 
charges allowed ... 

(Calcutta debts Es. 9 
added on) 

Soota Loota. 


A. p. 

By rent of houses. 

Es. A. 


etc. ... 

67 12 


6 12 



Incomes of eight 



marts 121 ca. 

10 pa. 62 3 



6 3 


Weigher's duties ... 

5 8 

Cuttie Mangun ... 







Incomes of 105 new 
settled houses, this 
being the 1st 
month rent was 




10 11 


284 12 





Es. A. p. Rs 



Servant's wages — 

By rent o 

Sheekdar ... 4 

etc. ... 

Putwarie ... 1 8 





New buzzar — 1 peon ... 1 


Drximmer ... ... 




Rs. A. p. Rs. A. p. 






— 60 3 





360 15 


126 5 

224 10 


Expenses on the three towns. 




Two writers 

Given to the putwaries of the towns and 

the head tenants for encouraging and 

* paying the full year's rent as customary 

Es. 67 +7-] 2+51-9=126-6 
To balance paid into cash 


6 8 

Es. A. p. 

6 3 

14 8 

30 14 

51 9 

126 5 
224 10 

350 15 6 

January 10th, 1704. 


The Council received notice that the Company's saltpetre was 
cleared and had come up the river to Calcapore, 
[Kalkapiir.] Knowing that there was so little 
water at Calcapore that the large boats could not pass, .the Council sent 
up two of its own members with six soldiers, and with money and 
presents for the Governor and officers of Muxadevad in case they 
should hinder the boats. They order them to load the petre on to 
smaller boats, and bring it along as quickly as possible. 





January 10th. LJgt of presents Bent to Muxadevad — 

Looking glasses 

1 of 10 inches 


... 2 „ 

12 „ 

Sword blades 

... 2 ,. 

14 „ 

Flintware 38, viz.— 


Cups 3. Carpet glass 4. 

Beetle box 5 lbs., a plate and cover 

... 1 


... 2 

Pigdannye {Pikdani) ... 

... 2 


... 3 

Knife hafts ... 

... 2 

Kose-water bottles 

... 7 


... 2 

"Velvet blue 4 yards, broad cloth (fine). 
Hed cloth 1 piece 22\ yards. 
Green cloth 1 piece 24 „ 

Broad cloth, coarse — 

Eed, 2 pieces 44 ,, 
Do., 1 piece 10 „ 

"11.— EXPENSES, NOVEMBER, 1703. 

The accounts for the month of November are brought in and 

January 10th. pasSCd. 

November 1703. 
Accounts of the Old Company. 

Charges general ',.. 

Weaving shop ... ,„ 

Merchandise ... 



Servants' wages 

Madras Presidency 


General stores ... ... ... 

Factors' provisions 

By what paid into cash being the amount of 

Captain Perrin's accounts of stores brought ... 

Es. A. 


95 1 


35 2 





683 5 


294 14 


51 7 


72 11 


223 2 

2,507 15 9 

4,112 12 


Accounts of English Company. 

Charges general 


Servants' wages 


Eepairing the small budgrow 

Ditto three tow-boats... 
Charles and Betty sloop ... 
Building a butler's room... 
Building a summer-house... 
New house 
Household necessaries 

Bs. A. 


70 8 



127 8 

25 2 


67 14 


63 12 


809 15 


8 9 


113 14 


64 3 

209 U 



1,169 2 


4,112 12 

5,281 14 



Letters arrive from England appointing Messrs. Hedges, Sheldon, 
Sunday, January 30th, Winder, Russell, and Bowcher, and three others 
^70*- to be the Council for the United Trade. The 

Councils of the Old and of the New Company are to go on as usual for 
their Separate Trade ; and each Council is to have a President of its 
own. But for the United Trade, the Council is to consist of four 
members of the Old and four members of the New Company's Service ; 
and the two senior members of this Council are to take it in turns to be 
Chairman of the Council, week by week. 

The following were appointed to the United Trade Council in 
1704 :— 

Mr. Ralph Sheldon, Charge of books. 

Mr. John Russell, "Warehouse-keeper. 

Mr. George Redshaw, Charges general. 

Mr. Bowcher, Jemidar [Zamlnddr], 

Mr. Hedges and Mr. Sheldon were to be Chairmen in alteraate 

The Managers' letter also ordered the Old Company to give up 
the charge of the garrison and all dead stock into the hands of the 
United Trade Council ; and the New Company likewise to give up 
all their dead stock. 

Q 2 



The Council for the United Company formally took charge of 

Monday, January 31st. ^^'^^'^°' ^^^^ ^*°^^' ^^^ ^^« ^'^^ '^ Calcutta; 

and some of the Council went to Hugli to take 
possession of dead stock of the New Company. 


The United Trade Council was to hold its meetings on Mondays, 

Febr 8th ^^^ ^^' ^° ^^^^^ clashing, the Old Company 

altered their day to Tuesday. 
The United Trade Council was to be the head Council in Calcutta. 


'* Ordered that all the black servants that look after the Company's 
factories and dead stock in the country be 

Tuesday, February 22nd. ,..-, •, • -, m '■,-, 

dismissed and paid off till the 1st of February, 
and the houses, etc., be delivered to the Council for the Managers of 
the United Trade." 


Doctor Warren, the surgeon of the garrison, was taken by the 
United Trade Council into their service. He 

February 22nd. 

begs that the Old Company will not on that 
account stop his allowance. He will still have twenty-three of the Old 
Company's servants to look after. The Old Company's Council agree 
that his stated salary may be allowed him, but no other benefits 
from the old Company. 


The accounts for the month of December are brought in and passed.^ 
It is agreed that they shall be entered under the 
headings of " Account of the Company of Mer- 
chants of London " and " Account of the English Company." 

1 See below, Addenda § 414. 

2 In the Bazar accounts for January we have, " Making a new Goola at Govingpore Mart- 
place, Rs. 11-5-6." 

fort william, march 1704. 229 

December 1703. 
Account of the Company of Merchants of London. 

Rs. A. p. 

Charges general .« ... ••• l'^^ ^ 

Merchandise «.. ••• ••• ^79 7 

Servants' wages ... ... ••• 296 8 3 

General stores ... ... ••■ 101 3 3 

Madras Presidency ... ... ... 2,145 

Cattle ... ... ... 38 

Diet ... ... ... 770 9 6 

Weaving shop ... ... ■•• 5 15 3 

Patana fiesideney ... ... ... 2 2 o 

3,685 3 3 

Account of the English Company. 

Charges general 



New house 

Servants' wages „. 

General stores 

Summer-house in garden 

Mary Smack 

William Do. 

Charlet and Betty Sloop 

64 13 


19 7 


25 6 


116 2 


127 12 

45 12 

34 15 

82 4 


101 15 

68 13 


737 5 3 
= 4,422 8 6 


** This morning Mr. Ealph Sheldon was married to Mrs. Elizabeth 
February 29th, Halsey by Mr. Benj. Adams." 


" Wanting a house for lodging for the Company's servants which 
must be out of the factory ; Mr. Bowridge's two 
houses are ordered to be taken at 50 rupees per 
month for a twelve month together." 

'20.— DIET MONEY. 

*• Having left it to the choice of fifteen of the Company's servants 
(who are to be put to diet money) whether they 
would have 15 rupees per month each person 
and servants and cookroom, necessary firewood, candles, etc. or 20 


rupees per month as the New Company's servants have, and they, 
having pitched upon the 20 rupees, agreed that they be allowed it 
from the 1st of March." 


"Several merchants being in the Eight Hon'ble Company's debt, 
and having houses and grounds in the town, 
agreed that they be sold, and the money 
brought to the Company's credit; also that the bad debts standing 
out of the several factories, and what bad debts of this place which 
were contracted and occasioned by the fire in President Eyre's time 
be wrote off in order to adjust our master's affairs and bring them 
to a quicker conclusion." 

22.— TIMBER. 

' The old Company sent to buy timber in July 1702 ; but the timber 
arrives now, when they have no need of it. It is 

March 22nd. i • i 

ordered that it be offered for sale to the United 

Upon further enquiry about the timber they found that the Charges 
General Keeper had provided the timber that had 
just arrived, and other timber too, for the use of 
the garrison, since Juiy 1702. Hence, though the timber was paid 
for out of the old Company's cash, and "the hazard of the timbers were 
on their account," the United Company ought to be charged with the 
money. " It is therefore agreed that the said timbers be delivered the 
Council for the Managers and that the United Company be charged 
therewith accordingly." 


*« The salary due to the Right Hon'ble Company's servants unto the 

25th of March, being 2,015 rupees, six annas, 10 

pies, agreed that the same be paid them. Those 

that entered into the Manager's Service (United Trade Council), their 

account salaries are to be made up to the 25th of February, at which 

time they had their discharge from the old Company." 


The accounts for the month of January were brought in and 
April 12th. passed. 

fort william, april 1704. 

Accounts for January 1704. 

Accounts of the Company of Merchants of London. 


Es. A. p. 

Charges general 

163 15 3 

Servants' wages 

357 15 9 


170 15 6 



Pilots' wages 

502 8 

Madras Presidency ... 


General stores 

87 14 3 

Factors do. 



691 5 6 

Weaving shop 

25 8 9 

2,756 3 

Accounts of the English Company. 

Charges general 


Building the new houses 

105 12 

52 6 

316 5 



Building a summer house 
The Mary smack 
William do. 
Charles and Betty sloop 
Bepairing two budgerows 
Servants' wages 
General stores 

105 11 

469 6 

489 12 

318 7 

15 1 

129 4 

2Q 11 

45 14 




365 5 
... 2,159 


4,699 2 



Charles King paid a hundred and fifty rupees for a license 

April i2to. ^'^ ^^^P ^ P^^^^^ ^°"^^ ^°d place of enfertain- 



About this time we find the Company borrowing various sums of 

April 12th. """""^y' ^°^ P^^'°^ i°*«r^st at the rate of one per 

cent, per mensem. 

' See below, Addenda, § 415. 



** Mr. George Redshaw being- arrived from Patna and received into 

the United Trade Council, agreed that he take 
April 19tli. ' ° 

charge of the general stores, and that Mr. John 

Eussell have the charge of the godowns delivered him from Mr. Ralph 

Sheldon, who has charge of the Eight Hon'ble Company's books," 


*' There being an opportunity (sic.) to dispose of some Gunns its 
agreed that the Charges General Keeper Mr. John 

April 25th. * b f 

Russell dispose of as many as he can, not under 
nine Rupees per hundred." 


""The President (Old Company) brought in his account of stores 
provided for his table for the month of April, 

May 9th. ^ , _ , __ *^ . 

agreed that the Charges General Keeper pay the 
same, being 115 rupees 10 annas." 


"Being apprehensive that gold will fall upon the arrival of the 
Madras shipping, agreed that what pagodas are 
in chest be sent to Hugly by the podar and be 
disposed thereof for rupees." 

■ 31.— EXPENSES FOR APRIL 1704. 

20th June. Charges General for April. 

Es. A. p. 

Charges, merchandise ... ... ... 1,084 15 3 

Servants' wages ... ... ... 206 8 

Bepairing and making a cook-room ... ... 9 7 6 

Cattle ... ... .- 40 8 

Diet ... , ... ... 415 10 9 

Cojah Surhaud to be charged to his account 

169 1 3 

By what paid into cash account ... ... 1,000 


The English trade is stopped in Patna owing to the necessity of 

paying custom dues. The Mogul had granted a 

^' free trade, and sent notice of the same to the 


Prince in Patna, under the seal of his Grand Vizier, but the Prince 
still refused free trade unless the Company made him a large present. 
The old Company do not wish for any such pass now, as they are not 
responsible for the trade. They therefore send a letter to the United 
Trade Council telling them the result of the negotiations. The United 
Trade Council agree to stop the trade in Patna till they see what the 
Dutch will do. The old Company therefore send to recall their agent 
at Patna. 

The United Trade Council resolves after all to continue the settle- 
ment at Patna. Consequently Mr. William Lloyd 

August 15th. -1 ./ J 

and William Cawthorp, the Old Company's 
Servants, who have not yet returned, are ordered to stay where they 
are and to enter into the United Trade Service. 


A ship is detained from taking stores from Calcutta to Madras, 
owing to the danger apprehended from the 
"^'^^^ ' French ships, which are hovering round coast. 


The Old Company and the New Company both agree that if at 

any future time any of their servants who have 

ugost , / . j^^^ ^^^^ discharge in order to serve the United 

Trade should leave the United Company's service and wish to return 

to their old service, they may be taken back. 


The President having moved out of the Factory in March to make 
more room for the ' Manager's servante ' requires 

September 5th. tt'j.i. ^^ ■> no 

house-rent, lie is to be allowed fifty rupees a 
month, payable from March 1704. 


Many parcels of goods about this time are sold by auction or " public 
outcry at ten per cent, more than invoice price." 
^ ™ '^ ■ The custom was to post a notice of the sale on 
the gates of the Fort two or three days before the auction. 




The general expenses for the months of May, June, and July, 
September 12th. having been perused, are ordered to be passed. 


Es. A. p. 

Charges, general 

. 80 6 9 

Charges, merchandise 

. 11 15 

Servants' wages 

. 219 13 

Charges, Darbar 

. 120 


. 54 12 


. 362 9 9 


. 849 8 6 


Charges, general 

Charges, merchandise 

Servants' wages 



Factors' provisions 

General stores 

... 145 



... 18 



... 194 

... 43 


... 751 



... 56 

... 910 



2,119 6 9 

Charges, general 

... ... 

... 160 13 6 



11 12 



... 415 15 6 

Servants' wages 


... 202 10 6 



... 41 4 3 

Factors' provisions 


... 25 


867 7 9 


The Eight Hon'ble Company had some goods returned from Patna 
to sell at " Public Outcry." They hoped to get 
ten per cent, on the invoice prices, but failed to 

do so, "goods being fallen considerably here, there not being those 

demands for them as in former years." 

September 19th. 



October 24th. 


The acoomit of the expenses in August is hroiight in and passed. 

It contains the same items as the July account, 

and almost invariably the same amounts, with 

this one item added : — 

By provisions for Madras ... ... Bs. 1,588-7-6 


Zist of Sight Hon'ble Company's Servants in the Bay cf Bengal, according to their 
precedency and station in Calcutta. 



Arrival in India. Salary ^^*] 






1 « 



(The Hon'ble John Beard 

Writer . ... 

17th July 16SS 



^ Presidpnt. 

S The Worshipful Ralph 


9th Jane 16S8 



5 « ■{ Sheldon. 


Elected by the 

c Mr. John Russell ^ 

Factor ^ 

Srd Dec IflM 


Managers 31st 

" 1 Mr. George Bedshaw 


3rd Feb. 1694 



Jan. 1704. 

I Mr. Edward Pattle 


SJst Oct. H»3 



Sen. Merch. James Bavenbill 


17th July le^ ^... 



'John Calvert 


12th Aug. 1700 ... 


William Mercer 


>f fi "• 

• •• 


Jacob Loveday 


11 11 

•jrt»-< John Mounteney 


11 11 


« Peter Vansittart 


I. •> 

• •• 

^ 1 Sanmel Feake (aecompt.) «, 


Seth May 1790 



LPbilip Middleton 


25th Aug. 1702 


1 doctor William Warren ... 




JO rRichard Smith 


12th Aug. 1700 ... 



5 ^ J Francis Silvestre 


25th May 1701 


•C ) John Dean© 


25th Aug. 1708 



^ ^.Samuel Wittewronee 


f» 11 



18 Servants in all of Company. 


Account of the Right Hon'ble Company's servants taken into the Hon'ble 
. Manager's service since the 25th of January 1704. 
Benjamin Adams, Chaplain. 
William Bugden, Senior Merchant. 
William Lloyd, Junior Merchant, at Patna. 

Thomas Curgenven, Junior Merchant, by the Manager's Consoltation, elected 

16th February 1703-4. 
William Cawthorp, Factor, l)y the Manager's Consultation, elected 16th Febru- 
ary 1703-4. 
Henry "Waldo, Factor, by the Manager's Consultation, elected I6th Fe'bruarr 

1703-4. . ^ 

Benj. Walker, Factor, discharged the service according to his own request by 

the Manager's Consultation, elected 16th February 1703-4. 
William Walker, Factor, by the Manager's Consultation, elected 16th Febroarv 

1703-4. ' 

James Williamson, Factor, by the Manager's Consultation, elected 16th Februarr 

1703-4. • '' 

Doctor William Warren, by the Manager's Consultation, elected 16th Februarv 

1703-4. ' 

Edward Halsy, Writer, by the Manager's Consultation, elected 16th Felvnarv 

1703-4. ^ 

Thomas Long, Writer, gone for England in the Dutches, by the Manager's Con- 
sultation, elected 16th February 1703-4. 

Charles Boone, Writer, by the Manager's Consultation, elected 16th Februarv 
1703-4. '' 

Dead of the old Company's Servants, never taken into the Managers service. 

{Mr. Jonathan White, 23rd January 1703-4. 
James "nsser, Factor, 25th Aprfl 1704. 
Thomas Ashby, Factor, 23rd July 1704. 

236 FORT WILLIAM, 1704 AND 1705. 



From December 1704 to November 1705. 


"The President [Beard] going for Fort St. George, thinks it 

needful to retrench the Company's expenses, and 
December 12th, 1704, , i p ii • 1 1 j ' i ,^ 

thereiore there is allowed no more servants than 
is hereafter mentioned, i.e. — 

1 Poddar [Padar'] to assist the Buxie [Bakhshl]. 
1 Chubdar \_Choh-ddr'\ BarrahmuU. 

1 Chief peon Lottlow and six more. 

6 Guallis \_Gowalds'\y 1 Budgrow manjee.[»^aw;7^^]. 

2 Horse-keepers and horse meat." 

42.— LEASES IN 1703. 

Thirty leases were given to the inhabitants in Calcutta in the 
April, 1705. year 1703. 


We find in April 1705 a list of all the books and diaries then in 

Calcutta. Apparently these diaries dated back 
April, 1705. /^^ "^ 

from 1684, for we have "A diary of the Patna 

Factory, *1684." The first for Calcutta was in 1688— "Chuttanuttee 

diary, 1688." At the end of the list of diaries is written, "A largo 

chest full of old books and papers, so much defaced that nothing can 

be made of them." 

1 Calcutta Diary, No. 7. Received per ship Northumberland on the 23rd August 1706. 
Bird wood Records, RRa 7. 




From January to November 1704. 


Letters are brought to Fort William by the ship Dutchess. After 
a hasty consultation, the members of the com- 
2^* mZ' ^'^''^^ mittee agree to open them at once, without wait- 
ing for the arrival of Mr. Nightingale from 
Dacca, and to send a letter to Mr. Benjamin Bowcher, telling him 
of the arrival of the letters, and asking him to join them soon. 
They agree to allow the purser of the ship to deliver all private 
letters. They also agree to send a letter to Sir Edward Littleton at 
Coxe's ^ to tell him that they have a letter sealed with the English 
Company's seal, and directed to him as President of the English 
Company in India, and that it states that he is to continue in his 


Sir E. Littleton, " coming up the river, called here, and being 
seated among us, and at the head of our table, 

January SOth. i i i i 

was desired to choose whether he would have an 
apartment provided for him within the Fort, or elsewhere in the 
town. He thinks that a house in the town will be most convenient 

1 Coxe's Island at Saugor. In the old charts in the place of the modern Saugor Island 
ife have three detached islands, Saugor, Coxe's Island, and the Isle of Dogs, Saugor bein^ the 
most southerly. The name Coxe's Island, or more properly Cock's Island, or Cock Island, is 
found as late as 1 807. 


for him, there being but few good rooms finished in the new house 
within the Fort." 


On seriously considering the orders received from the Hon'ble 
Court of Managers in London, they conclude 

January 31st. . " ^ j 

that the meaning of the letters is that they should 
elect two Chairmen, one for the New and one for the Old Company, 
to take the chair alternately each week. They send a letter to Pre- 
sident Beard telling him to give up to Joint Council, the Garrison 
and all the Dead Stock, also the Grants, Privileges and Phirmaunds 
of the Three Towns. They agree that the United Council is to choose 
servants both from the New and Old Company's servants, and that 
neither party is to grumble at the other. An equal number of servants 
are to be appointed from the New and from the Old Company. Mr. 
Kavenhill is to be passed over and Mr. Pattle appointed in his stead. 

"Agreed that the charge each of us takes in 

the management of the Hon'ble Manager's affairs 
be as follows: — 

Mr. Robert Hedges and Mr. Ralph Sheldon— Cash-keepers. 

Mr. Winder — Accompt General. 

Mr. Russell — Warehouse-keeper of Goods Exported. 

Mr. Nightingale — „ „ Imported. 

Mr. Redshaw — Charges General Keeper. 

Mr. Bowcher— Jemidar \Zamindar\ to collect the rents, and to 
keep the three Black Towns in order, and that he officiate as Buxie 
\Bakhshi\ until Mr. Redshaw arrives. 

Mr. Pattle — Secretary. 


** Yesterday at 10 o'clock in the morning, being the time appointed 
by President Beard to deliver possession of the 

February 2nd. . , 

garrison and dead-stock, etc., to us, we waited on 
him accordingly, and being met in the Old Company's consultation 
room, all the Company's servants and the freemen inhabitants of 
Calcutta being present, President Beard wished us joy of our new 
trust. But his long indisposition having much weakened and disabled 
him from speaking, he desired Mr. Sheldon to make a public declara- 
tion that in pursuance of the order from the Court of Committees and 


in conformity to the deed of Union and Quinquepartite Indenture, 
* he does now resign the Fort and all the dead-stock, together with all 
the lands and privileges to us the Established Council for the manage- 
ment of all the United Company's affairs in Bengal." 

President Beard then received the keys of the Fort from the 
. Ensign who was chief of the guard, and gave them to the Council, 
by whom they were given back to the Ensign. After the ceremony 
all English in Town, both the Company's servants and freemen, were 
entertained at the expense of the Council. AH the members of 
Council, except Mr. Bowcher and Mr. Pattle, then proceeded to Hugli 
to take possession of the dead-stock at Hugli, and also if necessary 
to visit the Governor of Hugli, and make a declaration to him about 
the Company's affairs. 


They agree to write to Sir E. Littleton, the President of the Xew 
Company, to order him to give up all the dead 

February 3rd. i i • m c -vt /-^ 

stock and privileges of Isew Company into hand 
of Council ; also to tell Sir !&. Littleton that the management of all 
public affairs for the English nation is vested in them. 

An order is sent to Josia Townsend to bring the Anna Ketch up 
the river Hugli to convey the goods of the New Company down to 
Fort William. 

They agree to borrow 8,000 Sicca Rupees of the New Company to 
be repaid when they receive their treasure. The money is to be sent 
to Fort William on a boat guarded by two soldiers. 

Enquiries are made of Sir Edward Littleton whether any prisoners 
are under confinement by order of the New 

February 4th. 

Company. If there are any they are to be sent 
to Fort William. Two prisoners under charge of murder are sent to 
Fort WUliam and kept in guard there. 

In order to avoid disturbance, they determine not to acquaint the 

local Indian Government with the ehanffe of 

February oth. . . n "'^ 

administration till all their goods are safe in 
Calcutta, It is agreed that Sir Edward Littleton's seal in Hugli, and 
Beard's seal in Calcutta, shall be used for dastaks till affairs be 

It is agreed that both Presidents be allowed a house, palanquin 
February 16th. ^^^ budgerow, out of the dead-stock of their 
respective Companies. 



They take into the service of the United Council eight of the Old 
February 16th. and eight of the New Company's servants 

New Company's Servants. 

William Champion. 
Abraham Addams. 
Edward Darell. 
Josia Chitty. 
John Brightwell. 
John Eyre. 
George Hussey. 
Ralph Emes. 

Old Company's Servants. 

Thomas Curgenven. 
Henry Waldo. 
Benjamin Walker. 
William Walker. 
James Williamson. 
Edward Halsey. 
Thomas Long. 
Charles Boone. 


Timbers and materials being already provided sufficient to cover 
^^^ ^^^^^ the first floor of the New House, it 

February 16th, . ■,,■,, ^ 

18 agreed that that part of the building be 
perfected, if possible, before the rains set in, the rooms being very 
much wanted for the accommodation of the Company's servants. 

It is also agreed that the stables and other necessary outhouses 
be enlarged as much as present necessity requires. 

51.— RENT. 

They order ninety rupees be paid to "the Prince's^ Jaggeerdar 
[Idgzr-dar']," being part of the rent due at this 
time for the three towns, viz., " Calcutta, Goving- 
pore, and Chuttanuttee [Govindpur and Sutanuti]." 

62.— POLICE. 

It is ordered that one chief peon, and forty- 
five peons, two chubdas l^c/iob-ddrsjj and twenty 
guallis [gowalds'] be taken into pay. 


February 19th. 

They agree to meet on Mondays and Thurs- 
days at 9 o'clock in the morning. 

• Prince 'Azimu-sh-Shan. 



" A list of some of the Government papers relating to priviledges 

of trade, gi anted formerly to the English nation, 

also of what have been procured by the Hon'ble 

the English Company trading to the East Indies, for their affairs in 

Bengale — 


1. Copie of Cha Chehanas Phirmaund [Shah Jahan's 

farmaii] from Agra to Bengali in the 11th year of 
his reign. 1638 

2. Copie of Aurenzeeb's Phirmaund [Aurangzeb's /arm an] 

from Agra to Bengali, in the 11th year of his 
reign. 1667 

3. Copie of Cha Sujahs Nishaan [Shah Shuja's nishan] 

for a free trade in Bengali in the 28th year of Cha 
Jehan's [Shah Jahan's] reign. 1652 

4. Copie of Sultan Azzum Tarras Nishaan [A'zzm Tara's 

nhhdn'] for a free trade in Bengali, procured by 

Sir Matthias Vincent. 1678 

5. Copie of a Phirwanna ipartcdnah'] from Agra Mahmuud 

Jemma [Agha Muhammad Zaman] for a free trade 
in Oris a, granted to Mr. Cartwright in the 6th year 
of Cha Jehans reign. 

6. Copie of Hedges Sophy Cawn [Haji Safi Khan], 

Duan [Diwan] of Bengali, his Phirsvanna [pnr- 
icanah] for a free trade, in the 21st year of Auren- 
zeeb's reign, procured by Sir Matthias Vincent. 1678 

7. Copie of Assid Cawn [Asad Kbanl, Cbancellor to the 

King, his Phirwanna for a free trade in the 23rd 

year of Aurenzeeb. 1680 

8. Copie of Shastah Cawn Meerul Omrah [Shayista Khan 

Amiru-l-Umard], his Phirwanna for a free trade in 

the 23rd year of Aurenzeeb. 1680 

9. Two copies of Aurenzeeb's Phirmaund for freeing the 

English from Tridgia (stc) or Toll Tax {sic) in 
Bengali.^ 1680 

> Perhaps this is a mistake of the copyist for " Jizyck or Poll Tax." 


10. One HusboU Omer^ of Alia Eezze ['Ali Raza] tlie Prince's 

Duan [_Dzwdn], for a free trade and five copies of the 

11. An order from the Prince for the draining {sicy of the 


12. Copie of a Hookum Oomer from the Prince. 

13. Two copies of the Prince's Nishaan. 

14. Copie of Siaid Issard Oawn [? Sayyad 'Izzat Khan] his 

Phirwanna, upon Alia Eezze ['Ali Raza], the governour 
of Hugly. 

15. Siaid Issard Cawn's his Phirwanna for a free trade in Hugly, 

and another of the same for Hugly. 

16. Siaid Issard Cawu's order for ground in Hugly and copie of 

the same. 

17. Four copies of Issard Cawn's Phirwanna. 

18. Issard Cawn's Phirwanna for a free trade in Mauld and 

Raj am"- 

19. Issard Cawn's order for ground at Ballasore and copie of the 


20. Meer JeruUa's {sic) [Mir Jar-uUah] order to the Choukee's 

Ichaukls^ and copie of the same. 

21. Copie of the Prince's order for the mint. 

22. Meer Abbas Cooly [Mir 'Abbas Quli] (the Princes Berderbux 

his Gomasta) [Prince Bedar Bakht's gumdshtdh'] his order to 
the Chowkies [chaulxis]. 

23. Copies of the King's Husbool Hookum \^/iashii-l'hiih}i] 

for securing the persons and effects of all Europeans. 

24. Cart Lullab Cawn [Kdrtalab Khan, i.e., Murshid Quli Khan] 

(the King's Duan) his order for the clearing of the effects 
of the Europeans in Hugly — another of the same for 

25. The Prince's order and copie thereof for clearing the English 

from the King's Hussboolkookum. 

1 That is *' hasbu-1-amr," according- to command, the initial formula of the document used 
as the title of the document in the same way as " hasbu-l-^iukm." 

2 Surely this a mistake for " drawing." 


26. Enaut Elles ['Inayat ullali's] Original Sunnud [sanad'] and 

two copies of the same on the back of which the Morchelcha^ 
is inserted. 

27. An Husbool Omer from Cartullub Cawn \_KdriaIab Khan] 

(the King's Duan) and two copies of the same." 

" And these are all the papers we received from them relating to the 
Government or Durbarr \_Darhdr] affairs. 

Egbert Hedges. 
Ealph Sheldon. 
Jonathan Winder. 
John Russell. 
Benjamin Bowchee. 
Edward Battle." 
"The Dutchess being to be dispatched forthwith for Fort St. Q-eorge, 
ordered that Ralph Seldon and Jonathan Winder 

February 21st. . . , , ^ ^ o ^ r~.^ ■, 

do go to Visit the saltpetre bought of the Old 
Company and compare it with the musters we agreed on, that it be 
weighed ofE and sent on board." 


All the Old Company's servants at Batna, etc., are to come to 
Calcutta before they are received into the United 

February 21st. • mi 

Company s service. This is done to avoid paying 
custom to the Mogul for past trade, as it would be " an ill precedent 
at the beginning to make the United Trade stand security for past 


They despatch ships to Madras, " the season not being so late, but 
several European and country ships have been 

February 21st. » , . „ nn 

despatched after this time. The latest time for 
despatch was the 15th of March. 

February 24th. At a Consultation, present : 

Ralph Sheldon. 
Robert Hedges. 

Jonathan Winder. 
John Russell. 

Benjamin Bowcher. 

Probably Mtuhalha, bond. 



Ist. — Paid on account of the revenues of the three towns, in 
Hughly, being Colsa \_Khdlisah'] as customary — 

^ Es. 

New sicca ... ... 100 

Batta ... ... 11 

Do. current money ... 3 

... 114 

2nd. — Agreed that the general books of this Presidency for the 
United trade begin the primo February, and to be balanced to the last 
of April as customary, and that the books that were kept apart by the 
Old and New Company's servants for the United trade be delivered to 
Mr. Jonathan Winder to be entered as they are now stated. 

3rd. — Mr. Benjamin Bowcher having been on board ship Dutchess 
to muster the ship's company, he brought in his report that there were 
sixty-one men which are twenty-three less than Charty Party ; part of 
them were taken out in the Downs, and the rest died on the passage as 
the Captain reports. — Wanted a master to navigate the Sugly Anna Ketch to Fort 
St. George and Charles Hopkins offering his services, being an able 
man, ordered that we accept of him at the wages of fifty-six rupees 
per month, and that he get the Ketch forthwith ready. 

6th. — Having desired the Presidents and Councils for the Old and 
New Company to defer paying the three thousand rupees which is due 
from each of them to the Government lest there might follow some ill- 
conveniency, we now agree and approve that it be forthwith paid by 
each Company's vacqueel [vakl^ in their name and that they take 
discharge for the same, and that they declare they are discharged their 
employments, and the vacqueels for the United Company which will 
be appointed by us will answer for the English nation. 

Qth. — The Muster Eoles of the soldiers that came from Hughly 
and of Fort William were brought and referr'd till Monday in the 
election who shall continue. 

'^th. — Ordered that there be fifty tunns of petre laden on board the 
Hitgly Anna Ketch for Fort St. George and filled up with rice, &c., 
for that port, and that the vessel be recommended to the Governor and 
Council there for their use, if they have occasion, by which means the 


expense of the Company's small craft may be raised, and iiat the 
William Smack and Rising Sun Smack be laid up till a proper time 
for their saile, or to be sent to the Fort, if they may have occasion for 
them there. 

8^/«.— The President and Council for the Old Company having 
acquainted us that they have ordered the black servants in all the 
subordinations that look after the factories be discharged from the 
salaries they pay them to the 31st January, wherefore it is ordered 
that the same servants be continued in the manager's pay till we shall 
see reason to order it otherwise. 

9tli. — The eight thousand sicca borrowed of the New Company 
ordered it be paid them, also that a pylot be sent them for ship Union 
which they desire, 

lOfh. — The President and Council for the New Company advising 
that they are withdrawing their English servants from Balasore, 'tis 
agreed we continue the English in any subordination at present, but 
what dead-stock cannot be brought away immediately thence be con- 
tinued in the charge of the black servants of their factory till further 
orders, and that they may expect their pay from us. 

Ralph Sheldon. 
Egbert Hedges. 
Jonathan Winder. 
John Russell. 
Benjamin Bowcher. 
Mfi. Pattle indisposed. 


"Being apprehensive of troubles with the Government and not 
having lately heard from Surrat, Agreed that 

March 3rd. , i • i , • ■• 

the souldiers be continued as they are entered in 
the Muster Roles but as Any die or are hereafter discharged the 
Vacancies not to be filled up till the Number be reduced below Oae 
hundred meu." 


"Agreed that the factory weights be adjusted and that the 

Saturday. March 4th. ^^'^°'^ "J^^^*^ ^^ ^^'^ ^^3, that is | of weight 




Mr. Robert Nightingale having arrived from Dacca yesterday, 
March 6th ^^ Ordered to take his charge of the warehouse 

of goods imported. 

March 13th. 


"Agreed that our own Seal be henceforth 
used for the Dmticks" 


Some trouble had lately arisen about getting saltpetre, the most 
, , ,o . profitable export at this time. The Huffli mer- 

March 13th. i j n ■■ i 

chants refused to deliver it at Calcutta without 
an advance of price. At last the Council agree to give them an anna, 
or a little more, per maund extra. This is agreed on hastily at the last 
because of the arrival in Balasor road of seven Dutch ships and one 
Prench ship in search of saltpetre. 


"Being in present want of money, ordered that a chest of Treasure 
March 18th. be sent to Hugly to be sold for ready money." 


"TV^e having promised on the 15th instant to send a Vacqueel 
[i'akil'\ ' to the G-overnment of Hugly within a 

March 20tb, p j i -r* • n 

tew days, the Prmce his Muttsudies [muiasaddi's'] 
order being come to the G-overnor of Hugly to send all the European 
Vacqueels to Rajahmaul [Rajmahal] ; and it being necessary that we 
have somebody there to answer and stop all complaints ; resolved that 
we nominate a person to attend at Hugly." 


Mr. Benjamin Bowcher, the Paymaster, wants money to defray 

the expeuses of the garrison, to pay for stores for 
March 21st. tr -, -, , ■, • , . \. . , 

Madras, and to buy timber to finish the first 
floor of the house. It is ordered that he be paid 4,974 siccas and 
thirteen annas at the rate of 205 siccas per 240 sicca weight. 



They select Eamacliandra as vahil for Hugli. His salary is to be 
20 rupees per month. He is to have five rupees 

March 23rd. n ,. , ,. n -. ^ ii^ j 

for his horse, and two peous are allowed to attend 
him as is the custom with vakih. 


" James Johnson having let his newly-erected house outside the Fort 

to Benj°. Whitley, the Indenture was brought 

before us, and it is agreed that a book be prepared 

in which are to be entered this and all other leases, bills of sale 

and agreements made by the freemen inhabitants of Calcutta. The 

Secretaxy's fee to be two rupees for registering the same. 

Mr. Benjamin Bowcher, desiring a piece of ground to build a 
house on, agreed that he have leave to build on the parcel of ground 
lying between the row of trees which stand from Mr. Meverell's house 
to the waterside, and Mr. Bowridge his ground. The ground granted 
to Mr. Benj. Bowcher to build on is on consideration that he is to 
build two godowns of brick which he is to let out for the convenience 
of European shipping." 


Mr. Bowcher having given in his account of the bazar and three 
towns, the balance, being Rs. 449-9-3, was paid 

March 27th. 

into the Company's Cash. 


It is ordered that Eamachandra, the vaMl, be sent at once to 
Hugly. He is to write down in his own language the followino" 
directions : — 

'* He is to declare to the Governor, the Buxie [^Bakhsh't^, and Wacea 
Nevis IWaqdi/dnavls'], that we have appointed 

March 27th. , » , 

him Vacqueel m Hugly for the affairs of the 
English. If the Governor expect a visit from us, he is to give us notice 
and to tell the Governor we did design it, and desired to know when it 
would be a fit time for him to receive us. If the Governor requires 
"reasons of our withdrawing Yacqeels from the Duan's [Dlicdn's'l 
company and from Dacca, he is to answer we kept them there a long 
time in vain and at great expense, which is a discouragement and 


makes us unwilling to be at such fruitless expenses; he also is to desire 
the Governor befriend us in writing to Prince's and the the King's 
Duan. If questions be asked concerning the Union of the two com- 
panies, he is to say both Presidents are displaced, and that there is but 
one English Company, who have appointed a Council to manage their 
affairs. He is to give us constant advices, and to expect directions 
from ug, what answer he is to give in case any material questions 


They send an order for wood to build Mr. Bowcher's house. The 
boatswains and masters of the Company's vessels 

March 28th. i • , ^ 

are to bring up what timber, etc., is necessary, 
for which * Mr. Bowcher is to pay the freight, as is customary.' 

**Two large boats belonging to Company lately come from Jessore 
with timbers[^for the new buildings, being very 
old, ordered that they be sold." 

72.— DARBAR charges. 

It is ordered that a hundred sicca rupees be put into the hands of 
Eamachandra to defray petty darhar charffes in 

March 30th. ,, ,. ^ ir ^ o 



"Delivered His Honor, Mr. Beard, a lease, dated the Ist April, for 
1 bigah 16 cottahs squares of ground for 5 rupees 

April Ist, . „ 

6 annas 6 pics per annum. ^ 

April 3rd. 


'* Two thousand rupees are paid for the expenses 
of the garrison. 


"Gave a lease to Mr. John Watts for a parcel of ground lying 
between the Portuguese Church and the lane to 
^"^ ' the buzzar, containing 1 bigah and 10 cottahs 

squares, the rent of which is 4 rupees eight annas per annum." 

' This is the customary rent, vis., 3 Rs. a bigah. 



Mr. Ralph Sheldon is allowed for his diet and house rent forty 
rupees per month, on account of his living out of 
the factory. The rest of the married men of the 
Council are only to have thirty rupees^er month. 


Mr. Benjamin Bowcher having no employment just then as bakhshi 
is ordered to survey and inspect into the revenues 

AprU 16th . I. 1 i 1 1 TT • i 

of the three towns. Me is to measure everyone s 
compound, to see that they have not more than they pay for, to measure 
all waste ground, and to send into the Council a particular account of 
what each man pays. Mr. Ealph Ems is ordered to assist him in this. 


The tdkil Eamachandra*. at Hugli misrepresents the Company^s 
affairs by saying that they have no Agent. They 
send for him to reprimand him and to give him 
a message for each darbdr. 


They agree that all letters coming for the Council are to be taken 
to the Chairman for the week, and if they are 
important he is to call a special Council. He is 

also to call a special Council on the receipt of letters from England, 

Fort St. George, &c. 


As there has been some dispute with the pursers of the ships about 

saltpetre, the pursers requiring Itb in draught 
April 24th. '^ ,, . ^. .,.-,.., 7 

extra allowed to tbem overweight if they weigh 

the petre, they order the warehouse-keeper to weight it before sending 

it on board. 


One thousand rupees is paid to Mr. George Redsbaw to defray the 
April 24th. general expenses of the Factory. 


Eighteen looms are ordered to be fitted in the factory in order to 
make canvas, in the rainy season, for the use of 

April 24th. . ^ , , 

the Company s sloops. 

250 FORT WILLIAM, MAY 1704. 

83.— NEW PATAS. 

Mr. Bowclier, the zamindar, is ordered to call on all the black 
inhabitants, who have no writinor for their tene- 

Apnl 27th. . . , ° 

meuts, ana to give them writings, they paying 
the Company Salami, and he causing their ground to be measured. 
Also those who have writings from former zamindars are to surrender 
their old writings and have new writings given them gratis. 

■ 84.— RENT. 

They order 435 siccas to be paid to the Government for the rent 
May 1st. of the three towns. 

" The powder workhouse through carelessness of the workmen blew 
up, and in it peri.shed Bickerstaff, a soldier who 
came on the Dutchess, also eleven Gentues and 
one Mabometan." 


They choose a broker, Deepchund Bella [Dvipohand Bella], to deal 

with the Native Merchants at a salary of one- 
May 9th. • I ,^ p ,1 , 

eighth 01 an anna per rupee on the net amount 
of goods brougbt, and that he receive the same from the merchants." 


Mr. Hedges proposing several questions, they are entered as 
follows : — 
^^ ' 1. '" Is either of the Chairmen obliged to 

answer the challenge of every bully that pretends to be affronted and 
challenges him to fight ? 

2. " Are any other of the Council obliged to fight on a like 
challenge ? 

3. "If one of the Chairmen be challenged, without offering abuse 
for the Council, is the party challenged only affronted, or the whole 


*' In answer to the former questions 'tis our opinions as follows: — 

1. " The trust reposed in us by the Hon. United Comp. obliges 
us to the contrary, and not to engage in such quarrels. 

2. " The Council are under the same obligations, and are not to 
answer challenges. 

FORT WILLIAM, MAY 1704. 251 

3. " If a Chairman or any of the Council be challenged with- 
out giving occasion, more particularly on the public affairs, the whole 
Council are affronted ; but if any one gives abuse, each person is to 
answer for himself ; but all ways and means are to be used to prevent 
such quarrels." 

These questions came up in the Council because a certain Captain 
South had challenged Mr. Hedges to combat, alleging that Mr. Hedges 
had insulted him by not having the Fort guns fired when the Captain's 
ship arrived. The Governor and Council at Fort St. Greorge took up 
the matter. Ralph Sheldon in a letter to Fort St. George declares that 
it is not customftry to salute captains with guns, and that he and the 
other married men who live out of the Fort could not so salute them 
if they would. 


A compound belonging to Herrene a Dhiingie was sold to 
May 17th. iMr. Sheldon at public auction for rupees 160. 


"The Cassimbitzsar Sloop returned to us, having sprung her mast 
May 19th. at Tana reach, about 4 miles below the Factory.". 


Some Dutch sailors who had deserted were found and sent back to 

May 22nd. *^^^ Captain, who promised to forgive them and 

take them back. Otherwise it would have been 

necessary to send them to the Dutch Council in Hugli, who were bound 

to prosecute all fugitives of their nation and to execute all found 



The * New Company are rose from their house at Goolgaul ^ and 
May 22nd. goue to Calcutta.' 

They refuse again to have anything to do with Captain Raymond's 
May 22nd. cargo ; he must manage it himself, taking all 


' Gholghat at Hugli. This is a " copy of the Vacca." 

252 rORT WILLIAM, JUNE 1704. 


Finding out from Ramachandra, the vakil at Hugli, that Mir 
Ibrahim, the Faujddr or Governor of Hugli, is 
preparing to meet Murshid Quli Khan, the 
King's Diwan, and that at present we have no vakil at the Diwan's 
Camp, we agree to send a vakil to follow him. Also hearing that 
the Governor of Hugli is vexed that we have not sent him a present 
or an Englishman to visit him, we order Ramachandra to tell him 
that we will visit him whenever he appoints time and place, and 
that he is welcome to anything out of the warehouse. In return, we 
want him to intercede with the King's Diwan to give us a sanad to 
free us from the present interruptions and disturbance from petty 
officers in our trade. 


" Agreed that all petty fines from the black inhabitants be put to 
June 12th *'^® ^®® °^ mending the highways and filling up 

the holes to make the town more wholesome and 
convenient, and that Mr. Bowoher take care of the same." 


The King's Diwan ^ of Bengal being on his return from Orissa, 
14th *^®y ^^"^ * vaMl to meet him as he has entire 

power over the trade, and the King's customs 
and dues, and should he be hostile, might interfere or even stop 
their trade. They give the vakil, named Eajarama,^ orders to tell 
the King's Diwan that the' companies have amalgamated, that at 
present there is no head, but that one will be shortly appointed, that 
the Company will only pay Rs. 3,000 for grants and privileges, aa 
it is but one Company with one factory, and the agreement is Ks, 3,000 
for one Company, although Rs. 6,000 have been paid by the two Com- 
panies. They refuse to pay the sum-of Rs. 1,500 rupees demanded by 
Government for the release of their trade, because that trade should never 
have been hindered, and because the petty officers had impeded them in 
their trade, and lessened the trade so much that they could not pay 
Buch a sum. 

I Iilurshid Quli Khan. 

8 Rajararaa had " great knowledge in the affairs of Bengal." See Bruce's Annah, III, p. 4G1. 


Here follows a " list of things given to the Yacqueel to be given by 
him as presents to the Duan's under-officers " : — 
"Broad cloth, 10 yds. (fine). 
Aurora do. 10 do. ^ 

Ordinary do. 10 do. 
One pair of pistols. 
One Japan shield. 
Four black spirit cases. 
Looking glasses : four of several sorts. 
Six pairs of penknives and scissors. 

Four hundred rupees to be given to the Vacquoel for expenses and 


They give James Johnson a lease for his house and grounds, dated 
l-lth June 1704, containing two bighas and four 

June 21st. 

cottahs of ground. Rent Rs. 7-6. 


Captain Raymond demands the rest of his Charter Party money. 
June 26th. They Order it to be paid him. 


A lease is granted to Dr. Warren for two bighas and eighteen 
cottahs of ground out in the fields. Rent 
Rs. 8-11-3 per annum. 

June 26tfa. 

July 3rd. 


They pay to Mr. Gr. Redshaw Rs. 500 for 
factory expenses. 

100.— A MURDER. 1 

A squabble arises between the natives and the sailors, in which 
the sailors are attacked, and one killed. Some of 

July 20th. ^, ^. ill, , , . 

the natives are arrested, but, as at this time 
there was no Court of Judicature in Calcutta, nothing was done to 
the natives. 


The Company are short of money, and borrow from a Mrs. 
Margaret Wallis and her daughter at 1 per cent. 

August 14th. ' 

per month. 

i see below Addenda § 417. 



They decide to send Captain Alexander Delgardno to Madras. 
Captain Delgardno was put in confinement by 
Sir Edward Littleton when he was Consul. He 

is accused of the murder of Jos. Handy. At this time Madras was the 

only station that possessed a Court of Judicature. 


It Ie agreed that Bajaram be ordered to proceed from Midnapore 
to the Diwan's Camp at Balasor, in order to 

August 14th. . 1 • 1 1 1 T-v 

intercede with the JJiwan to grant us his sanad 
for our freedom of trade for want of which we suffer many incon- 
veniences, and are likely to have a fresh stop put to all our trade. 
If unreasonable sums are asked by the Diwan or his ofl&cers, the 
vakil is to acquaint us before he concludes with the Diwan. 

104.— A WILL. 

Mr. Joseph Morsse, mate of the Dutchess, lately deceased, having 
appointed Mrs. Mary Morsse his sole executrix 
by his last will and testament dated 30th May 

1704; it is ordered that the Secretary copy the same in the book for 

registering wills. 


It is ordered that Mr. Robert Nightingale, Mr. George Eedshaw, 

and Mr. Benjamin Bowcher do meet in some 

convenient place between the hours of nine and 

twelve in the morning, every Saturday, to hear and determine small 

controversies, but if anything difl&cult and of moment happens it is to 

be heard in full Council. 


One of the chief exports at this time was saltpetre. The English 

Directors in all their letters demand quantities 

"^^ ' of saltpetre. This year the difficulty seems to 

have been to get it fine enough. They receive a letter from the 

Council and President of Madras urging them to make haste and buy 

what saltpetre they can, either coarse or fine, or there will be none to 



send to the English Directors, as four French ships are on their way to 
buy saltpetre. 

107.— A SHIP'S CARGO. 

Lid of cargo^ provided for Ship Scipiot Fort William^ 
August 2m, 1704. 



Lack Cowries 




Dooreas, Fine 

Soosies, Fine... 

Neckcloths ... 



Allebannies ... 


Tanjeebs, Flowered 

Raw Silk 


Ginger, &c. gniss goods 

Gotten yame 


















































































The Council is alive to the fact that it would be much better for 
the Company to coin their own treasure, instead 

September 1st. . ^ , i , ,-, « , »• i 

of selling it m chests, but the freedom of the 
mint is not allowed them, without the payment of heavy custom dues, 
which they refuse to do. 

September 4th. 


Two thousand rupees are provided for packing 
stuff for the Scipio'a cargo. 


"Jeetmull Carrowrie [Jitmal Karori], the Prince's Jaggerdar 
IJagirdarl, often troubling us about advance 

September 4tli. u o j' o 

rent, that he pretends to be due to his master, 

> The names of the goods should read thus : " Saltpetre, haftas, lac-cowries, hhd^as, tanjtbt, 
malmals, doriyas, susU, neck-cloths, dimity, tafifetas, ? alvdnii, ? paikas, tanjibt flowered, 
raw silk, mogta, ginger goods, and cotton yam." 



and there being no other way to put it off, without making appli- 
cation to his superior, or giving him a small present, agree to give him 
a small present to value of Rs. 30." 


Agreed that the Company's sloops have due credit in their books 

September nth. ^"""^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^"^^ ^°^^' «^ ^"^^ "P ^om 

European ships, or to or from Balasor, that they 
may not stand at more than they are worth, and that the two 
Warehouse-keepers take care to give an account to the Accountant of 
what private goods are sent down on freight, and what quantity of 
bales, &c., are sent down for the Company's Association, and that the 
freight be charged as follows, viz. : — 

To and from Balasore road — 
- Every Chest or Bale, Butt or Cask, two rupees each ; 

Saltpetre, Eed Cowries, Lead, Iron, and all weighty goods, 
Es. 15 per one hundred maunds ; 

Cordage, Coyer, and the like, Es. 16 per one hundred maunds; 

And from below in the river in proportion. 

The river tariff to be charged, in charging the merchant, so that 
the vessels may not be a charge to the Company. 


" Deningo Ash, her licenses for distilling Arrach, and selling 
Punch being expired on the 1st of August last — 

September 11th. ^ , , ., , . , p , 

Ordered that they be renewed from that day on 
the same terms. She paid last year that is Es. 800 for distilling, 
and Es. 200 for selling punch for one year." 


A liberal contribution having been made by both the freemen of 
the place and the Company's servants towards 
building a Church for the public worship of God, 
and the Eev. Mr. Anderson and the Eev. Mr. Adams having asked help 
of the Company, because " the town is increasing, and there is no place 
in it able to contain the congregation that would meet at divine service, 
if there were rooms sufficient to contain them," it is agreed that one 
thousand rupees be given by the Company for this purpose. 


Copy of the Paper read hy the Rev. Mr. Anderson and Mr. Adams before 

the Council. 

"To the Hoa'ble the Council for all affairs of the Right Hon'ble 
United Company in Bengal. 


How much the Christian religion suffers in the esteem of these 
infidels and in the real effects of it even among ourselves for want of a 
place set apart for the public worship of God, we can none of us be 
ignorant ; and if we have any concern at all for the honour of God 
or any zeal for the advancemcDt of the Christian religion in the world, 
we cannot but lament the great disadvantage which we do at present 
labour under from thence. 

It was a deep sense of these things that induced us to set on foot a 
subscription towards the buUding a church, which though it might at 
first look like a design too big for us, yet, we have already succeeded 
in beyond our hopes. Gentlemen, the very good encouragement you 
have been pleased to give us in it has laid us under an obligation of 
returning you our hearty thanks for it, and we now do it as becomes 
us in the station we are now in. The commanders of ships have been 
very generous upon this occasion; and all other gentlemen, whether 
servants to the Right Hon'ble Company, or other inhabitants of the 
place, have contributed freely and cheerfully to the work. 

Gentlemen, the design is apparently noble and worthy of all the 
encouragement that can be given it. 'Tis for the service and credit 
of the English Company trading to these parts ; 'tis for the honour 
of the English nation ; and above all 'tis for the honour of that Religion, 
which we are all bound to maintain, and which, especially considerino- 
where we are, we can never be too zealously concerned for. 

But because the work we are going about ought to bear some 
proportion to the end for which it is designed and consequently cannot 
be accomplished with a small charge, therefore we hope, gentlemen, you 
will think it reasonable to make some considerable addition to what 
we have hitherto collected from private hands on account of the 
Hon'ble Company, who, as they are likely to reap the most lasting 
benefit from the undertaking, so they cannot be but abundantly 
satisfied with what you shall think fit to do in it. The work we are 
Tmdertaking has been neglected too long already ; we intend therefore 
to put it off no longer, but set about it as soon as possible ; in order to 
which we desire, gentlemen, you will assign us a spot of ground, which 


may be proper to our purpose, and that we suppose will be agreed on 
all hands to be as near the Factory as it conveniently may. 

We are, 

Your most affectionate Friends and humble Servants, 

William Anderson. 
Benjamin Adams." 

114.— seizure of a debtor. 
Ramachandra, the vakil^ sends the Company notice that one of the 
debtors of the King is in Calcutta, and that 

September 14th. . , . _ . , , ,, tt- 

unless lie is seized and given over to the King, 
the CompaDy will be held responsible for his debts. He is seized, 
and sent under a guard of peons to the Governor of Hugli. 

115.— a market for govindpur. 
Mr. Bowcber proposing to have a market ordered at the town of 
Govindpur, by which the Company will receive 
a considerable benefit in time, it is resolved that 
the same be ordered forthwith. 


Mr. Bowcher brought in the account of the Revenues of the three 
Towns and of the Buzzar. The Balance amounts 
ep em er . ^^ ^^^ rupees 15 aunas and 6 pies, which was 
paid into the cash account as usual. 


They receive a letter from Rajarama, the mk'ilj telling of his 
arrival' at the Diwan's and that the Dutch had 
already got their perwanna to clear their business, 
having satisfied the Prince with presents, and that if the English Com- 
pany did the same, they could get their perwanna forthwith. They 
write an answer to Rajarama telling , him to find out how much the 
present to the Prince himself and all other charges will be, and if it 
is not unreasonable they will send it. He is to take care that the per- 
wanna is in as full terms as formerly, and also that it is to clear their 
business in Patna. The vakil is also to try and put oflF the European 
goods for the present to the Prince. 

A report comes in from Ramachandra mkll from Hugli stating 
that the native princes there require large presents before they will 



clear the business of the Company, they having been used to such large 
sums from both Companies. It is agreed to give them 3,000 rupees in 
European goods to be given to the several officers according to the 
following list : — 

" Account of the presents made to the several officers belonging to the 
Government of Hugli. 


To the Oovenumr. 

Piece of broadcloth, violet, 
» » green, 

„ „ scarlet, 

„ „ ordinary. 

Sword blades ... 

Pair pistols ... ... 

Birding gun 

Large looking glass, 30 inchea 

Flintware at 1-6 

16 yds. 
24 „ 
234 „ 


Mahomet Sara, Ecbarnavees and Cossowda.^ 

Pieces of broadcloth, Aurora, £7-7-6 
« » ordinary 

Piece „ scarlet 

Pair of pistols 
Sword blades 


Looking glass, 30 inches ... 
Flintware ... 


Coja Mahomet, Buxxe.^ 

Piece fine broadcloth, green, 24 yds. 

„ „ „ scarlet, 22 „ 

Pair pistols 


Looking glass, 18 inches ... 
Flintware ... 


The Droga of the Buxhunder Vizt.^ 

Piece of fine broadcloth, scarlet, 22 yds. 
„ „ „ Aurora ,., 

» » » ordinary 

Looking glass, 18 inches ... 

Pair pistols ... ... ... ... 

Flintware „ 

Carried over 

Rs. A. P. 
























7 10 




40 O 

7 10 



Bs. A. F. 

541 9 

524 9 

300 10 

284 10 

1,651 6 

1 Muhammad Dara, Akhbar-navis and qdjid-ddr. 
' Khwdjah Muhammad, Baihthi, 
* Daroghah of the hakhahhandar. 

6 2 





Brongbt forward 

The Cozzee^ Vizt. 

Pieces broadcloth, Aurora 

Looking glass, 18 inches 

Sword blades 

Piece ordinary broadcloth 


Rs. A. F. 


7 10 

5 3 



Rs. A. p. 
1,651 6 

200 13 
90 3 6 
90 3 6 

112 3 6 
81 3 6 
99 10 

40 3 6 




EamJcisna Mutsiedie^ Vizt. 

Pieces ordinary broadcloth 

Looking glass, 18 inches 

Sword blade 

7 10 
2 9 6 




Coja Mahomets Naihe ^ Vizt. 

Pieces ordinary broadcloth 

Looking glass, 18 inches 

Sword blade 

7 10 4 
2 9 6 




The Droga of the Mennerah * Vizt. 

Pieces ordinary broadcloth 

Sword blade 

Ijooking glass, 18 inches ... 


2 9 6 
7 10 





The Cossianavis * Vizt. 

Piece broadcloth, Aurora 

Sword blade ... 

Looking glass, 18 inches 

Flintware .. 

2 9 6 
7 10 





The Governor Naihe^ Vizt. 

Piece of broadcloth, Aurora 


Pistol ' 

Looking glass, 18 inches... 




7 10 




The Governor Muttsuddie ^ Vizt. 

Piece of broadcloth, Aurora, at 7-6 

Sword blade 

Flintware ... ... ... ... ... ... 

Looking glass, 18 inches 

Carried over 

2 9 6 

7 10 

2,365 14 6 

' Qdzi. 

' Rarnakrishna, muiOfaddi. 

8 Khwajah Muhammad's ndib. 

* Ddroghah of the menf, 

' Khas-navls. 

" Governor's nS,ih. 

1 Governor's mulaioddl. 




Brought forward 
The MuHchee^ Vizi. 

Yds. of Aurora at 7-6 per yard 
Sword blade (ordinary) 
Flint ware 


The Buxies Naihe^ Vizt. 

Piece of Aurora cloth 



Looking glass, 18 inches 


Cojah Mahomet^ Muftsuddies? 

Yds. of Aurora cloth at 7-6 
Looking glass, 18 inches 
Sword blade, ordinary 


Droga of the Buxlunder, his MuUrnddie.* 

Yds. of Aurora cloth at 7-6 
Looking glass, IS inches 
Sword blade, ordinary ... 


Meerhars Drogah; 

Piece of ordinary cloth 
Looking glass 
Sword blade 

Cash given to the Government servants 



7 10 
2 9 




7 10 


7 10 

9 6 



7 10 

9 6 


Rs. A. p. 
2,365 14 6 

18 9 

99 10 

29 3 

29 3 

50 3 

2.592 12 

2,792 13 

October 2nd. 

118.— SALARIES. 

" The Company's Servants, Factors, aud "Writers desiring their 
Salaries, the usual day being past, the Secretary 
is ordered to draw a list of all the servants, their 
stations and time of entering into the United Service, and that they 
have the Salaries advanced them, as the Company directed in the 

* Alunshl. 

' Bal-tAi't ndih, 

' Khwajah Muhammad s mutasaddl*. 

* Ddroghah of the bai-kgAhandar's mntastiddl. 

* Mlr-bakr't diioghah. 


General Letter to Fort St. Greorge, which paragraph the Governor 
and Council remitted us according to our desire, the Court of Mana- 
gers having not acquainted us what salary they have allowed each 

"Having determined the Salaries of the Factors, and Writers, 
ordering them what the Manaarers direct in their 

October 8th. ° , . . 

letter to Fort St. George, tis unanimously agreed 
by all the Council, being voted from the lowest to the highest, that 
the Chairmen have £100 each, and the others of the Council £40 
each, to be paid in the country, as the Court and Managers direct at 
2-6 per rupee, the two Chaplains £100 each per year." 


Messrs. Eussell and Nightingale are ordered to take the present to 
Hugli, and visit the Faujdar. They are to give 
him his present in person, and see that two of 

the Company's Factors, who go with them, give the presents to the 

other ofl&cers. 


" A letter read from the Chaplain, Mr. Adams, complaining that 
Mr. Hedges took too much on himself in alterins: 

October 9th. .r, 1, 4= • -+1,4.+ 

the hour oi morning prayer m the lactory. 
Answer him that it was not Mr. Hedges' doing, but that the Council 
wished that the morning prayer in the Factory might be at eight in 
the morning, and not at ten, as the latter hour interfered with 


The account of the amount 'of the salaries was given by Mr. Winder, 
the Accountant. It amounted to sicca rupees 

October 12th. >.^.^^« t-t. 1 -t • i ^^ 1 

4,949-2-3. He is ordered to place the same to 
the salary account, in the name of and to the amount for each servant 
of the Company. The cashier is ordered to pay each man in siccas. 


"Ordered that Mr. Bowcher do together with Mr. Eedshaw take 
an account of the estate of Mr. John Johnson, a 
free merchant lately deceased intestate — as we 

apprehend, and if no will is found, Mr. Eedshaw is to put the 

deceased's goods to public outcry." 



An application is made by Mr. Thos. Curgenven, who asks that 
he may have the salary of £40 per annum. 
He is only allowed a salary of £30 per annum 

as a junior merchant until advice has been taken of the Company at 

home as to what they wish their men to receive. 


The eotta or pricing warehouse is opened. 
The goods are to be sorted and priced as soon as 


They receive a notice from the vakil Eajarama at Balasor to the 
efiect that the Diwan will not take a present of 
goods, but that he will have money. The Diwan 
also refuses to receive money as though the two companies were one. 
He wani** 30,000 rupees, as large a sum as he used to receive when 
they were two. Eajarama proposes that, if the Company are willing, 
he will offer the Diwan 15,000 rupees, and try and persuade him to 
accept it, and give them his sanad for trade accordingly. They agree 
to allow the vakil to do this, but to tell him to get Patna also in- 
eluded in the sanad if possible. 


Some trouble is caused by the native officers at Hugli, who 
demand larger presents than those sent. Eama- 
chandra, the vakil at Hugli, reports that three 
of the bakhshls, or officers, of the Diwan will not accept their presents 
unless they be augmented by Sicca Eupees 1,100. If this be not done, 
they will obstruct the trade as much as they can. They agree to delay 
complying as long as possible, and then to send the money by Mr. 
"Winder and Mr. Eedshaw. They are to pay it privately, concealing 
it from all the other darhdr officers, for fear that they too may demand 
more. They also agree to send with Mr. Winder and Mr. Eedshaw 
30 soldiers, to overawe, if possible, the native officers, but the soldiers 
are on no account to commence hostilities. 


Mr. Adams, the Chaplain, goes to Madras for his health, bearing a 
letter to help him to raise money there for the 

November 2nd. \ • r^ ^ ll 

Church m Calcutta. 

1 Thomas Curgenven had influence. He was the nephew of the Rev. T. Curgenven, Rector 
foFolke, who married Dorothy, sister of Thomas Pitt, Governor of Fort St. George. 


" The contribution money to build a Churcb, being mostly ooUected 
, „,, by the two Chaplains, ordered that a sufficient 

November 6th. , ^ 

piece of ground to build it on be appointed in the 
Broad Street, next or pretty near to Captain Wallis his house, between 
that and Mr. Soames's, and that a broadwaybe left on the side next the 
river fully sixty feet broad clear fi'om the Church." 


William Champion, factor, dies leaving a will. Nicolas Audney, of 
, „„ , the Rising Sun, Smack, and George Moore, one of 

November 27 to. ,. . 

the gunners crew, die intestate. Their goods 
were sold by public auction and the money paid into the Company's 
cash account. 


Quarrels arose between servants of old and New Companies now 

joined in Council on the following question. 
November and December. i ,, ro • on t-t . 

Although the altairs or the United Company 
were flow managed by the United Council, there etill existed two other 
Councils in Calcutta. There was a separate Council for winding up 
the separate affairs of the Old London Company, of which Mr. Beard 
was President, and there was another separate Council for winding up 
the affairs of the New English Company, of which Sir Edward Littleton 
was President. Neither of the Presidents had a seat in the United 
Council. If Beard were to go away for a short time from Calcutta, 
Mr. Halph Sheldon, who was next in succession to him among the Old 
Company's servants, would officiate for him as President of the separate 
Council for the Old Oompan5''s affairs. Would he then for the time cease 
to be a Member of the United Council ? Similarly, in the temporary 
absence of Sir Edward Littleton, Mr. Robert Hedges would become 
President of the separate Council for the- New Company's affairs. 
Would he then temporarily cease to be a Member of the United 
Council? After much discussion it is settled that neither Hedges nor 
Sheldon need resign his seat in the United Council. Many letters 
are sent to the Court of Managers at home from both parties, each 
accusing the other of not wishing to obey the orders of the Court of 
Managers at home. 

1 Of this Governor Pitt writes : " In Bengal all things are pretty quiet, only jangling in the 
Rotation Government, all talkers and no hearers." (Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 22, 848, No. 70.) 
And two months later to the Secretary at the East India House : "For the Rotation Government 
in Bengal 'tis become the ridicule of all India, both Europeans and Native." (To John Styleman, 
Dec. 1704.) See Hedges' Diary, II, . 106. 





From December ITO-i to the end of November 1705. 


Benjamin Walker ^vas fined twenty rupees for abusing Mr. Hedges 
December-Srd, 1704. bj using bad language to him. 


" Passed by the Dutch Commissary to repair on board his own ship 

December 11th. when was fired 21 guns as usual." 
*' Passed by the Dutch Dii-ector who came ashore to take leave of 
President Beard before the President departed for Madras." 


*' President Beard departed down the river in order to go board the 
December 17th, CMmbiTS frigate for Madras." 


*' The ground pitched on for building the church on being objected 

against by many inhabitants of the town, who 

are so dissatisfied about it, that they who have 

not already paid their contributions refuse, and resolve not to pay it, 

except the ground be changed ; it is therefore agreed that it be built 

opposite to the west ^ curtain at a convenient distance from the wall of 

the Fort." 


Captain Delgardno^ who was imprisoned for murder in 1702, was now 
sent to England to be tried. He was first sent on 
™ ^ board ship Tavistock as prisoner, but refusing to 

go that yi&y, was allowed to go as passenger.- 

^ This should be east . Had the church been built opposite the vest curtain, it would have 
been in the river. 

2 On August 14th, 1704, Captain Delgardno was ordered to be sent to Fort St. George, 
Madras, to be tried. 


136.— HARD TERMS. 

Eajarama arrives from the Diwan's camp. He states that the 
22nd January 1705. ^'^^'^ positively insists on twenty thousand 

rupees. The United Company think it abso- 
lutely necessary to procure the Diwan's sanadj as without it they cannot 
have the benefit of the mint, nor yet work the Cassimbazar factory. 
They therefore resolve to agree to demand, and order Eajarama to 
return to the Diwan's camp at Burdwan to acquaint the Diwan of 
their decision. 


They hear news that five French ships have arrived at Fort St. 
David's roads probably designed to cruise for 

12th February. -n ,. , , . . 

Jiinglish shipping. 


" There having been several robberies committed in the Black Town, 
ordered that a corporal and six soldiers be sent 
to lodge in the Catwall's [iTo^w^a/'s] house, to 
be upon call to prevent the like in future." 


The Company's servants complain of the bad table kept, and ask 
for diet money. It is agreed that they shall be 
allowed twenty rupees each per month. They 
are also to be allowed oil for lamps, but not candles. 


*' Ordered that a paper be fixed to the factory gate prohibiting any 
man procuring dusticks [e.e. dasfaks] for goods 
not for his own account or for account of some 
Englishman under the Company's protection*" 


" Ordered that the licensed punch houses do pay their license money 
out of hand, they being most of them behind 
'^^' band more than 12 months." 


"Ordered that Mr. Bowcber, jemidar, [zamindnr,'] take a fresh 
account of every house under the Company's 
lethJuiy. government, and survey all the ground that is 

occupied either in tillage, gardens, or any other plantation." 



" Mr. Ralph Sheldon, one of the Chairmen in the Cunncil of United 
Trade and second in Council of Old Company, ia 
promoted to be President of Old Company, 
President Beard ^ having died away from Calcutta." In consequence 
of this promotion, Sheldon has to give up his place in the United Trade 
Council, as neither the President of the Old Company nor the President 
of the New Company can sit in United Trade Council. The Directors 
in England had sent orders that if either President died, the second in 
the Council was to succeed him, until orders arrived from England 
either ratifying or annulling his appointment. 


August 14th. 

One hundred rupees are paid for a punch-house 

145.— NEW DOCTOR. 

" The place and season being very sickly renders it impossible for 
one Doctor to attend all the sick, and that none 
may perish for want of due attendance in sickness, 
there being no mates or assistants to Dr. Warren, and he very sick, 'tis 
unanimously agreed that Mr. Gray, who was Surgeon to Metchlepataa 
Factory for the New Company, be taken into the United Trade Service 
at the same salary that Dr. "Warren has, but Dr "Warren to have pre- 
cedence, having served the longest time in India." 


" A large Dutch ship passed by in order to proceed to a town 
, „ , below near the mouth of the river, where ffene- 

SeptemberSrd. i, ,i . i i • i 6 "'" 

rally their large ships lades." 


It is ordered that Mr. Winder and Mr. Pattle do sit in Court every 

Saturday after this week to do justice there. 

^^^ ' This Saturday Court had been discontinued 

owing to illness. 

' Further details about Beard are given in the introduction to these sur 


148.— NEW ZAMlNDlR. 

Mr. Benjamin Bowcher, the Zammddr, died of fever at 10 o'clock 
last niffht. Mr. Jonathan Winder is to officiate 

September 24th. .,-, 

as Zamlnddr, till a new one can be appointed. 
They must wait for full Council for that, some of them being away. 
October 8th. Mr. John Cole is appointed Zamlnddr. 


In consideration to provide for the despatch of shipping, 'tis 
resolved that we meet in consultation on Mondays 
and Thursdays at 7 o'clock and finish consultation 
at 9 o'clock, and go to the warehouse to price goods. A summons 
to be sent out by the Secretary the evening of the day before the 
Counsel to put men in mind. This rule is to be in force till after the 
autumn shipping is d.spatched. 


Another long discussion takes place as to whether Rajarama shall be 

authorized to pay thirty thousand rupees to the 

Diwan at Hugli for his sanad. The question is 

still left open till they hear further news. If they decide that the 

money is to be paid, Eajarama is to pay it at once, and so prevent the 

saltpetre boats being stopped on their way down the river. 


They had news from Mr. Chitty and the others who had gone 
with him to procure saltpetre that they had 
°^ ^^ ^ ' already started for Calcutta, so that they might 

any day arrive at Hugli. 

News arrives from Mr. Chitty of the grounding and sinking of four 
of the saltpetre boats on the sands at Barr ; the 
other boats were " saved with much pain." 

October 21st. 


Woodville is appointed Lieutenant of the 
soldier in the garrison. 
November 5th. Dalibar is appointed Ensign. 

November 2ad. 



They order all captains to bring tkeir ships up the river and 
anchor near the Fort for the quicker despatch 
of business. The great month for despatching 
the winter European shipping seems to have been November. 





From December 1705 to December 1706. 


A couple of sailors belonging to the ship Heme, then lying in the 
harbour, attacked some natives and killed one 

January 14th, 1706. 

peon, who was in the Company's service. The 
Council directly they heard of the affair sent for the relatives of the 
murdered man, and bought their silence about it for 50 rupees ; 
being afraid that if it came to the native Grovernor's ears, he would 
make it an excuse, not only for forcing the Company to pay a heavy 
fine, but also for stopping their trade. 


Two members of the Council, Maisters and Chitty, are to be sent 
to the Patna Eesidency with money and presents. 

January 14th, • , ^ .-i i> ■ 

ihey are to supermtend the factory and trade at 
Patna. The Council at Calcutta seem most anxious to keep the Patna 
factory going. 


"Passed by the New Dutch Chief ^ with 
several servants for Hugli." 


*Mr. John Cole brought in the account 
and revenue of the three towns balance being 

January 27th. 

March 4th 

Es. 614-10-0. 


The Council received a letter, dated February 18th, from Mr. Arthur 
King, a factor in the Company's service, who 
considers himself insulted because the Surgeon's 

' Willem de Rov. 


wife has taken her place in church above his wife. He asks the Council 
to order that his wife shall be placed above the Surgeon's wife in 
future. This letter was opened by the Ohairman, Mr. Russell, who 
persuaded King to withdraw it, that the matter might be settled 
privately. King now writes again to say that the Surgeon's wife con- 
tinues to " squat herself down " in his wife's place, and that, if they 
would not see to it, he would let them know that they as well as 
he " had masters in England," and that they must hold themselves 
responsible for any disturbance or unseemly conduct that may arise 
in church in consequence. 


The Council still hesitates to take out the sanad at Hugli, because 
,, , ,,,^ they are waiting to be advised from Surat how the 

March 11th. ° 

affairs of the Dutch are settled. The Dutch are 
there with a fleet, and are threatening to burn the town, which " if they 
should do, would be of ill consequence to all Europeans." 


"Being a cheap season for grain," it is ordered that the charges 

A rii2nd. general keeper do provide a thousand rupees 

worth of wheat and " 100 maunds of oil, and 

that it lie by for garrison stores, which, if no occasion for use here, 

may serve for provisions for the coasts." 


The overseers of the church send five hundred rupees worth of 
April 4th. copper to Balasor to provide iron for buildine 

the church. 


Mr. Arthur King is ordered to act as Zamlndar instead of Mr. Cole. 

April 8th. ^^' ^°^^ ^^^ ^^^ ordered to take charge of the 

Import "Warehouse, but the execution of the 
order was delayed till April, as the books were all adjusted each year 
in that month, and it was easier to move oiEcers then. 


" It formerly being a custom for all people who sold small houses or 

April ifith. compounds to pay one-fourth part of the money 

they sell them for to the Company : and that the 

merchants or others that sold large houses or compounds paid but 2 per 


cent. Considering this is very hard upon the poor people, ordered that 
all people pay for the future 5 per cent., which we think to be reason- 
able and an encouragement' to the poor tenants who paid in proportion 
a great deal more than the richer sort." 


" The old factory house having for several years been decaying, and 
more especially of late with the great storms, has 

April 18th. . . i -i . 

given way m several places insomuch that those 
gentlemen that lie in it declaring it dangerous to stay any longer there. 
We have had the chief carpenter and bricklayer with several others to 
survey it, whose opinions are that if it not soon taken down it will fall 
of itself, ordered therefore that lodgings be prepared for the gentle- 
men that lay in it, and that the house be pulled down to prevent any 
mischief that may happen." 

165,— PESHKASH. 

They send the Government of Hugli three thousand siccas as 
April 22nd. peshlittsh for the past year. 


"Send a letter to King's Duan at Muxodabad to the effect that 
upon the encouragement he has given we design 
to settle Cassimbazar on the arrival of our ship- 
ping, and in the meantime we shall send up our people to repair our 


A quarrel arose between Mr. Benjamin Adams and Mr. Eussell. 

Mr. Adams's native servant attacked one of the 

native servants of the Company and beat him- 

For this Mr. Russell orders him to be imprisoned ; but Mr. Adams 

shuts him up in his own house, and refuses to give him up. Both 

Mr. Adams and Mr. Russell appeal to the Council, who decide that the 

"said servant was justly punished. for beating one of the Company's 

officers who was merely doing his duty." The Council then send for 

Mr. Adams, and advise him to be of a " more peaceable temper, and 

to be civil and respectful to the Government for the future." 


Mr. John Calvert is ordered to be assistant to the cashier and regis- 
Aprii 26th. trar of the Court of Justice. 

FORT WILLIAM, jrLY 1706. 273 


"The house at Hugly, formerly the new Company's Factory, 
beffinninor to decay, and considering the use 

May 2nd. o o . » o 

made of it by the United Company's servants 
when ordered up thither about the Company's affairs, agreed that 
it be kept in repairs, as the United Company have the use of it till 
the rigbt owners lay claim to it." 

*' Send a man to repair Cassimbazar Factorvi 

May 20th. ^ "^ 

also timber for same." 


Last year they employed several weavers in their own towns, but 
the men proved to be so poor that they could not 

May 20th. , . . ^ . „, . 

carry out their contracts m time, inis year they 

agree to still employ their own weavers as they wish to encourage 

weavers to settle in the town, but they decide .that the weavers must 

be overlooked. Accordingly they appoint a native who is to give out 

the orders, and see that he has security that the men can carry out 

what they undertake. For this he is to have three per cent, on the 

said orders. 


Two native merchants are given licenses; the one, " Gossa," to sell 
ganja for which he pays the Company Es. 180 

M&y 2Qtli« 

per year, and the other, " Sufferally, Serong," to 
provide the ships with lascars for which he pays Es. 65. 


The Governor of Hugli will not give a full receipt for the peshkash 
given him, but stops the trade, ho ping to eet a 

June 4tL i o o 

larger present. They agree that it would be a 

very bad precedent to give him more. They therefore send Mr. Ni^^ht- 

ingale with thirty soldiers to Hugli who wiU, if possible, compel the 

Governor to let trade go on through fear of hostilities with English. 

Mr. Nightingale returns from Hugli having extorted a promise 

from the Governor not to obstruct Enfflieh trade 

June 17th. ... ""^lo 

in future. 


" This day the Governor of Hugli came to visit us and was received 
with great civility." They had a lodging pre- 
pared for him in town, and each Chairman visited 



him in turn. He stayed till the 14th and had presents of cloth and 
flintware given him before he left. Both on his arrival and on his 
departure the Fort guns and the guns on the ships in the harbour 
saluted him. 


"We have received advice from Mannick Chund that the King's 
Diwan has ordered his ndib at Patna to permit 

July 18th. . ^ . 

our business to pass as formerly, also that he will 
give his sanad for our free trade in Bengal upon paying him piscash 
[peshkash] of Es. 3,000 {sic.)'^ The King's Commissioner of the 
Customs of Bengal having visited us, and considering it lies in his 
power to obstruct our affairs, it is agreed we present him and his 
servants in European goods to the amount of Rs. 200. 


" A few days ago there were taken several robbers and thieves ; the 
former have taken and murdered several people ; 

August 29th. . . , „ r r » 

it IS therefore agreed what persons we have in 
custody and what more may be taken, that the gentlemen belonging 
to the Court do burn such persons oji the cheek, and turn them on the 
other side the water." 


A letter from Mr. Adams announces that he 
intends to resign his Chaplaincy at Michaelmas. 

" To the Hon'ble Council of Managers — 

" Sirs, — This is to acquaint you that I intend to officiate among you 
no longer than Michaelmas, • so in the interim shall give Mr. Anderson 
warning which yet I bind myself hitherto not to divulge that I might 
gather what money I could for the Cliurch before I left you, for I 
found Brother Anderson had not reputation enough among gent, here 
to obtain their subscriptions. But now since matters are otherwise 
determined I am lett loose from restraint, being free from those obli- 
gations I was under before to raise money, and lam glad for your sakes 
and the Church that the result of yesterday's Conference was so fortu- 
nate, for absolutely speaking though it were by far more proper in itself 
and withall more profitable for the Church that the Ministers should 
gather the contributions, yett at this juncture it were more advisable for 

» This is obviously a mistAke for Rs. 30,000. 


the above reason that the election Bhould proceed upon mdifEerent 
Trustees, and I wish with all my heart they may collect more moDey 
then I did last year, which will enable them to do what is useful if 
not omsmiental to the church ; and that in any comer of the world 
would be acceptable news to Yr. friend and servant. — B. Adams. 

« Fort Wm., 7 bre 19, 1706." 


They receive another letter from the managers in England, confirm- 
ing the Council of the United Trade, and statinar 

September 21st. , , ^ ., ,, , , 

that the Council was to adhere to the orders 
already given about the place of every one in the CounciL A long and 
stormy debate follows. At last they pass a resolution to do as their 
masters order ; and it is agreed " that the four of Council for Old Com- 
pany do take their station as 1st, 3rd, 5th, and 7th in the United 
Council, and the two 1st do take the chair alternately every week as 
formerly established, and in case of mortality on either side, the 
next who shall succeed must be the 8th person of this Council." 

Mr, John Cole is excluded from the Council. According to the list 
sent by the Hon'ble Directors, Mr. Arthur King is to take his place. 

" Agreed that the undermentioned persons take the charge and 
management of the following affairs of the 

September 23rd. '^ ° 

Hon'ble Company: — 

Mr. Edward Pattle ... ' ... Accomptant. 

Mr. Robert Nightingale ... Export Warehouse- keeper. 

Mr. "William Bugden ... Import ditto. 

Mr. John Maisters ... ... Buxie iBakhs/ii], 

Mr. WiUiam Lloyd ... ... Jemindar [^Zaminddr] . 

Mr. Arthur King ... ,,. Secretary. 

Maisters and Lloyd were away settling the factory at Patna. Till 
their return Mr. Arthur King was to act as Bakhshl, and Mr. Waldo 
as ZamlnddVy and Mr. Abraham Adams as Secretary. 


They receive another letter from England, in which the Grovemors 
of the Old (Company state that they do not wish for 

September 24th. ^ •' r\^ ^ r^ 

a separate President for Old Company affairs now . 

that Mr. Beard is dead. Consequently Mr. Ealph Sheldon is displaced. 

T 2 


Now begins another quarrel in Council. Mr. Ralpli Sheldon, not 
being any longer President of the Old Company's affairs, wishes to take 
his place again as one of the Chairmen of the United Trade Council. 
He sends a letter to the Council asking to be reinstated. Half the 
Council are for allowing it, half against it. In spite of much stormy 
discussion, they cannot come to any decision. They therefore " agree 
to cast lots as our masters have bidden us in times of disagreement." 
The lots fell for Mr. Sheldon, who was accordingly re-elected. 

The Council then send a letter offering to re-elect as the other Chair- 
man Mr. Hedges, the President of New Company, who had been 
obliged to resign for the same reason as Mr. Sheldon. Mr. Hedges 
writes back arguing that Mr. Sheldon should not have been re-elected, 
and refusing himself to be re-elected, unless the Council own that they 
had no right in the first place to force him to resign. Many letters 
pass between Mr. Hedges and the Council. At last, in his final letter, 
he says that he believes he was justly turned out on becoming Presi- 
dent of the New Company, and that he cannot see that the recent 
orders from home justify the action of the Council. He therefore 
refuses to be re-elected and adds that he is returning home to England 
directly to lay an account of the whole affair before the Managers in 

" Agreed that Mr. Winder is therefore to continue to act as New 
Company Chairman on United Trade Council." 


In October they seem again to alter the posi- 

October 3rd. „ , _ ., 

tion of the Council — 

Mr. Ealph Sheldon ... ) ^, . a n u- 

^ „_. , . \ Chairmen and Cashiers. 

Mr. Jona. Winder ... ) 

Mr. John Eussell ... Book-keeper. 

Mr. Eobert Nightingale ... Export Warehouse-keeper. 

Mr. Edward Pattle ... Import ditto. 

Mr. William Bugden ... Buxie [Bakhahl']. 

Mr. John Maisters ',., Jemindar [Zamlndar']. 

Mr Arthur King ... Secretary. 

" Mr. Waldo to be Jemidar till Mr. Maister's arrivall." 

180.— LICENSES. 

"Granted licenses to Mingo Ash and Covind Sondee [Govinda- 
Bundar J to distil ar-rack and keep houses of enter- 

October 3rd. . . . ,, 




They agree to send people to work the Cassimbazar factory if the 
Kingr's Diwan will give them a good sanad. 

October 18th. -r. .^ • e ^ .■> i 1. X :. . 

From this factory they seem to have expected to 
get " much profit for our masters, though present expenses be heavy." 


Mr. Adams ^ applies for his salary and gratuity money. He is to 
be paid his salary, but no gratuity, on account 
of his " behaviour to the Council." 


On this day Janarddana Sett was appointed Broker in place of 
October 18th. Dvipchand Bella, deceased. 


They are as usual much worried about the saltpetre boats which are 
stopped over and over again on their way down 

October 31st. , . , , . ^ . *^ 

the river by the various officials. They send 
orders to pass them at any price ; they give presents everywhere. 

They privately receive news that Mr. Calvert and Mr. Spencer, 
two of the Company's servants who had been sent up to clear the 
saltpetre boats, and had arrived at the Rajmahal river's mouth, were 
attacked by 'chowkies' in their passage up the river. The Council 
determine to send Mr. Edward Battle with an ensign and twenty 
soldiers to help Mr. Calvert and Mr. Spencer bring the boats down. 
Mr. Battle and his escort were attacked by chnukiddrs ; and several 

men wounded. As they had the Diwan's orders 

November 25th. ^ , .t ji y-, -i i i • -. 

to let them pass, the Council determined to send 
to the King's Diwan, and demand satisfaction, and also to send a 
complaint to the Brince at Batna. 


They received a letter from the Dutch Governor of Negapatam, 
stating that one of his vessels had been chased 
by a French ship from the gulf of Moca towards 
the Malabar Coast. 


The Diwan of Maqsudabad gives his sanad for trade, in Cassimbazar, 

and for clearing the Company's petre boats. The 

Diwan will send his passport with ten horsemen 

and footmen to attend the Englishmen appointed to go to Cassimbazar. 

1 Further details about Mr. Adams will be found in the introduction to these summaries. 




From Jbecember 1706 to December 1707. 


They agreed to send Mr. W. Bugden and Mr. Samuel Feake to 
^ , , , Cassimbazar on the arrival of the purwanna and 

December 4tn, ^ 

horeemen from the Diwan. 

188.— POLICE. 

Several robberies having been committed in the town by * country 
robbers,' who killed and wounded several of 

December 27th. j i /-• » . , , . . 

the Company s native servants and others, it is 
"thought necessary to keep greater guard on the towns for the Com- 
pany's tenants' safety, wherefore the jemindar [zamlnddr'] is ordered to 
entertain 31 pikes, or black peons, for the time present, to prevent like 
mischief in the future." 


The King's Diwan's people arrive in Calcutta to escort Mr. Bugden 
and his company to Cassimbazar. They are 

January 17th, 1707. ,-,,'.,,/ n <• , L 

lodged lu the town for a few days. Then, 
Mr. Bugden and his people being ready, they all set out for Cassim- 
bazar. Mr. Bugden took with him everything necessary to start the 
factory well at Cassimbazar, also money to pay the Diwan for his 


The new Church which was building had apparently been more 

or less at a standstill for some time owing, says 

® ^^ ' the consultation book, to want of proper or regular 

ptoceedings. By order of the Council, Messrs. Edward Battle and 

John Maisters are now to take the matter in hand. They are to 

receive subseriptions for the building fund, to see that the work of 


building goes on regularly, and to give a monthly account to the 
Council of what they do. 


Mr. Abraham Adams is appointed to be jemindar [zamlnddr'] and to 
look after the three towns and bazar. He is also 
to sit in the Court of Justice in the room of 
Mr. William Bugden. 


News is received from Mr. Bugden and his company. It appears 

that when they arrived at Cassimbazar they 

found that the Diwan would not give them a 

Banad unless the 25,000 sicca rupees, which he declared the Company 

had promised him, were first paid. Mr. Bugden therefore sends to 

enquire of the Coimcil what answer he shall give. They send back 

a message to the effect that Mr. Bugden is to answer that as soon 

as the Diwan's sauad is in his (Mr. Bugden's) hands, the Diwan 

shall receive the money, but not before. If the Diwan will not 

agree to this, Mr. Bugden and his company are to return to Calcutta. 


The Bub-aocountant is to receive £40 per annum above his salary 
to encourage him to keep the books well, this 

February 19th. i . ii > -^ 

being the custom at Fort St. George and 
other leading factories. 

194.— BIG GUNS. 

Some big guns had been sent out from England for Fort St. George, 
Febru 2-th ^^^ ^^ ^^^ found a very difficult matter to convey 

them there. They were therefore in the factory 
at Calcutta. After a good deal of correspondence between the two 
forts, it was agreed that Fort William should l)uy the guns, but should 
undertake to sell them again to Fort St. George, if at any time the 
means of conveying them there could be found. 

195.— SLAVES. 

"There being slaves often ordered for sale, and they desiring a 

February 28th. ^^^^^^ °^ *^® ^^^^ ^°^* ^* ^^^^ ^°^^' ^^^ just 

on the ships going they are not to be had, there- 
fore we think it necessary that the Buxie [Bakhshl]^ Mr. Arthur King, 


buy up what slaves he can get from time to time, and keep them in a 
compound with a guard for that purpose, giving them victuals from the 
Company, and make them work at the house or otherwise as there 
may be occasion, so as to keep them in health; he must take care 
that they are most men and boys, and few women or girls, and see 
they are sound, wholesome, and well shaped when bought." 


Finding that several of the inhabitants had built walls and digged 
tanks in their several compounds without leave 

March 10th. ^ 

from the Q-overnment at Fort "William, the 
Council ordered that an " order be wrote up and put at the gate to 
forbid all such irregular proceedings for the future." 


The whole town and factory are thrown into confusion by the 
. news that the Mogul is dead. As these tidings 

were received from several sources people were 
found to credit the story, and great was the consternation at the Fort. 

A hasty Council was summoned and determined, 

To stop as much as possible all paying out of money, and as a 
revolution is expected, order all the men that are near enough, such as 
Messrs. Darrell and Spencer, to come back with what money and 
charters they have belonging to the Company ; 

To send out a sergeant and 20 soldiers to meet Messrs. Darrell and 
Spencer, and bring them home safely ; 

To write to Messrs. Bugden and Feake at Cassimbazar to hold 
themselves in readiness to come to Calcutta and bring all the Company's 
effects with them. 

On April 7th, at another Council meeting, the following resolution 
. ^ is passed : — " Considering the Emperor's death 

and the scarcity there may be of provisions, and 
the want they may have at Madras, agree to order that 5,000 maunds of 
rice and 1,000 maunds of wheat be provided by Mr. Arthur King for 
the use of the garrison, and to supply Fort St. George if they should 
be in want of the same." 

A second order is despatched to Messrs. Bugden and Feake to come 
down at once, and bring all the Company's treasure they have, also the 
rupees provided for payment of the sanad. What broadcloth and 
other cloth they have they are to try and dispose of, but if they cannot 
it is to be left with Herry Kissen [Rarikrishna], their banyan. 


Fearing that the neighbouring zamindars in case of trouble in the 
country may prove troublesome and rob and plunder the Company's 
towns, unless the Company have a force equal to theirs, they "order that 
sixty black soldiers be taken into the company's service and posted 
round the towns." 


Letters are received from Messrs. William Lloyd and Cawthorp 
..,,,, at Patna, confirming the news of the Emperor's 

April 14th. " '■ 

death, which was on the 23rd February, 1706, and 
that the Sultan had seized on Assud Khawn's [Asad Khan's] and the ? 
Vinrahs treasure as well as on that of the Emperor, and that he 
designed to raise a contribution on the merchants to levy forces in order 
to defend the country. The Council sent Messrs. Lloyd and Cawthorp 
an answer immediately telling them to get all the petre in as fast as 
they can, that they may " come away with the same." If it is 
necessary, they are to bribe to get the petre through. If they are 
forced to leave either goods or money behind them, they are to leave 
it in charge of what native servants they can trust. 

The following week they receive another letter from Messrs. Lloyd 
and Cawthorp, to the effect that they cannot 
come down as there is little or no water in 
the river, and that should they make the attempt, they expect the 
Diwan's people will stop them. The Council send them back an 
answer that they must do all in their power to come down, and bring 
the petre, and that they are to endeavour to sell what treasure they 
have to the Shroffs if the Shroffs wiU have it. 


The Council at the same time write a letter to Mr. Bugden^ at 
Cassimbazar ordering him to dispose of the 

April 14th. , 11-., r^, 

treasure he has m the same way. They also 
register an order that only merchants round Calcutta are to be dealt 
with, as owing to the unsettled state of the country they cannot trust 
any money out in the far provinces such as Dacca, Suntoos, Hundiall, 

1 As far as can be gathered from the consultations, Messrs. Bugden and Feake did not 
come back to Calcutta from Cassimbazar until May 22nd, or perhaps later. Mr. Bugden took 
his place in Council in June. * 


Malda, etc. ; no place, says the order, that is more thaa " two or at 
the most three days' Journey off." 


" Two hundred rupees received from Mr. Wheatley for two years' 
April 21st. license money for his punch-house. '' 


" Josiah Jounsen was fined Es. 25 for neglecting to register a 
Aiprii 21st. house he had bought in the town." 


In both the last consultations there had been some talk as to 
the advisability of strengthening the Fort, and 
on the 28th of April the following resolution was 
passed: — "The Emperor being dead, and now being the properest 
time to strengthen our Fort, whilst there is an interregnum and no one 
likely to take notice of what we are doing, it is therefore agreed that 
we make two regular bastions to the water side to answer those to 
the land, and the Buxie is ordered to see it well performed out of hand, 
and to that end to take all the materials in the town that are necessary 
thereto, that it may be quickly erected, for we may not meet with 
such an opportunity again." 


Bad news was received from Patna on May 12th to the effect that 
the factory there was being watched. The Sul- 
tan, and his son, the Prince, had demanded one 
lac of rupees as a contribution towards raising forces. Messrs. Lloyd 
and Cowthorp refused the money, so the Prince had the English 
Vakil seized and also the other native servants who belonged to the 

Decided to write a letter to the Diwan, desiring him to write to the 
Sultan at Patna, asking him " to give favour to 
the English there and to stop the people from 
interfering with trade." At the same time a letter was sent to the 
Company's Vakil at Patna, telling him that if the Company's people 
there "are plundered, we will take satisfaction at Hugli, or any- 
where we find it convenient so to do." 



In building the nortli--vvest bastion, it was found necessary to 
build on land that beyond to the trustees of 
Governor Beajd's estate. " Having occasion for 
one-third of President Beard's (deceased) compound to build the 
north-west bastion upon, and to keep the fort clear from any build- 
ing, and since it will not be very much prejudice to the dwelling-house 
and warehouse for which, as well as the whole compound, he has a 
lease for 31 years, paying a quit-rent for the same, agreed that the 
trustees for the deceased's house and compound be allowed 300 rapees 
to repair the damages, rebuild the wall, etc., and what ground is taken 
away, so much quitt-rent as is in proportion to the whole to be 
deducted out of the yearly payment." 


In July 1705, the Company had ordered a survey and measurement 
of the three towns ; this was now completed and 

June 12th. , . , ^ /~^ -t /-^ 

submitted to the Council. On examining it they 
found that the Company was being cheated, many persons not paying 
for half the ground they possessed. They agreed, therefore, to pass the 
following resolutions— 

That the rent-gatherers or the jemindar [^zamlnddr'] do give the 
inhabitant a puta [patd'] or ticket with a note affixed to it for the 
amount of rent he shall pay annually. 

The tickets are to be brought in monthly when the rent is paid 
and to be renewed once a year. The rent-gatherers are to keep a book 
and duly enter each ticket. 

The tax-gatherers are also to give in a yearly account of the 
increase or decrease of the inhabitants. 

206.— NEW PATWlRlS. 

The Council also discovered that the black rent-collectors had been 
June 12th making false returns and farming out lands for 

their own advantage, so they issued an order that 
**all such land be given up and the black putwarries [jpaticdris'] be 
turned out of office as soon as possible, and new ones elected in their 
places, and to encourage the new putwarries. Each one shall have 
his wages increased to four rupees per month." 


207.— THE SURVEY. 

June 12th. FOET WILLIAM. 

June 1707. 

unt of Oround in Buzsar, 

, and three Toions, as it teas last i 


B. c. 


... 401 lOf 


15 3i 


7 4f 

Sunaporea l?Quni/a-pora'] 

9 3 


3 12 


19 3 





Green trade 




Sursah [_Sarshi/a2 


458 4 

Bammons \_Brahmans'\, etc. 

26 8f 



B. c. B. c. 

Sunalipurah l?Quni/a-j)ora} 

1 458-4 + 30 5f 


17 =488 9| 



B. c. 

30 5f = 488 9| 


B. c. 


67 9 

Paddee [Padil 

... 510 U 

Green trade 

35 14 




... 139 16 


69 2 


12 3 


4 10 




10 3 




1 6 


17 9 

866 14 = 866 14 



GOVEN ?OB£r— concluded. 
B. c. 

Bommons [^Brahmant'} 


Wast ground 

57 16 

83 14 

169 12 



Green trade 








Assah [?^4«f] 


Bommons IBrahmans], &c, 


Waste ground 


13 = 

= 1,178 7 




lis. A. 

... 248 


3 Rs. 



... 484 



1 12 

... 169 



2 8 




2 4 




2 12 




1 12 












3 12 




1 4 

9 to pay 

into the ground 








109 15 

363 15 to be bought to act as 
27 3 inhabited. 

B. c. 

500 13 = 1,717 10 


Assah [P^ttf J 


Green trade 


G ardens 





Null [PiVaia] 



Sunapurah [rQunya-pora] 

Beeds for matts 


Commer lKhamar\ 




... 134 




... 515 






... 147 





at Rs. ; 






>> >i 



2 17 

! ... 2 






B. c 


2 = 

1,022 ? 



SOOTA LOOT A^conclttded. 

Tancks and ways 


Bomiuons IBrahmatui] 


Govenpore ,.. 

Town Calcutta 
Soota Loota 

B. 0. 

72 6 

487 1 

111 3 

B. c. 
: 1,692 12 

670 10 = 

488 9| 

1,178 7 

1,717 10 

1,692 12 

5,076 18i 


The Governor of Hugli had been paid his peshkash for the year, 

and on June 21st his receipt for three thousand 
Saturday, June 21st. „ ^ i ^ p ,■ , , 

rupees tor peshkash for the year was produced 
in Council and ordered to be put " in the chest amongst other papers of 
like nature." 


At this same Council Captain Blair, the Commander of the ship 
Sceptre, lodged a complaint about the treatment 

Friday, July 4th. i \ a • A V, A' .1 

he nad received, as he was proceedmg up the 
river in his ship, towards Hugli. A boat full of soldiers and officers 
from the Fort had been sent after him with orders to bring him 
back ; and the reason alleged was that several persons in the factory 
■were owed money by Captain Charles Perrin who was said to be 
the owner of the ship Sceptre,. In his complaint, which is read before 
the Council, Captain Blair protests that Captain Charles Perrin sold 
the ship at Madras, and is not now her owner. Even if Captain 
Perrin were the owner, the Council of the Fort would have no right 
to detain his ship and cargo at the suit of private persons. The 
Court dismiss the complaint. They, eay they fully believe the ship 
belongs to Captain Perrin. No evidence has been brought to prove 
that he was not still the owner. They must therefore detain the ship, 
and moreover send officers and men to unload her and bring the 
goods into the Company's warehouses, there to be sold for as much 
as they will fetch, and the debts paid. When that has been done 
Captain Blair may carry out his owner's orders by going to Hugli 
and there shipping a return cargo. The Council has a right to seize 


and stop any cargo the owner of which is a debtor in their Courts. 
The unloading of the ship, however, seems to have been pat off for a 
few weeks to allow of witnesses being brought to prove that it is 
no longer Captain Perrin's ship. The ship is to be kept under a 
guard until further orders from the Council. 


The Council receive a letter from Messrs. Lloyd and Cowthorp, 
^ , , ,,, dated the 28th of June, from Patna, statinor that 

July l4th. ' . 

the native merchants had received advices from 
Agra to the effect that Shaw Allum's [Shah 'Alam's] and Azzemshaw's 
[A'zam Shah's] forces had met and fought about 20 days before the 
date on which Mr. Lloyd wrote, that " Shaw Allum [Shah ' Alam] 
had obtained an entire victory, and that Azzem Tarrah [A'zam] and 
his two sons were slain in the battle. This being only merchants' 
advices from Agra, therefore can give but litcle credit to it." 


The Council find that they were mistaken about ship Sceptre. - 
j^^ 24th "Ship Sceptre, David Blair, Captain, was 

arrested and detained in the Port of Calcutta by 
Ralph Sheldon, in behalf of Thomas Pitt, Esq., and the owners of 
ship Unity, and by Robert Nightingale, in behalf of the orphans of 
Benjamin Bowcher, deceased, and William "Walker, deceased, his estate, 
the fourth day of June, on which the Council for the United Trade in 
this place gave an order for said ship being detained here under a 
guard till further satisfaction, whether or no Captain Charles Perrin 
(whose ship this was formerly and was supposed to be concerned 
therein, and on whose account the arrest was lain) wa3 directly or in- 
directly concerned therein : if so, that his creditors might have satisfac- 
tion, and now there appearing before us Mr. James Peachy, one of the 
owners of said ship, who came lately from Madras, producing his cer- 
tificate from the Court of Madras, and Mr. "William "Wear's hand 
register of said Court, that the demands of said Thomas Pitt, Esq., etc., 
owners of the Unity, were invalid and of no effect as per copy of said 
certificate here annexed appears, and the demands of Mr. Robert 
Nightingale, on his own and several accounts, being the same founda- 
tion as the owners of the Unity, it is therefore agreed that said ship 
Sceptre with her cargo and tackling be delivered to Mr. James Peachy, 
part-owner of said ship, there appearing at present nothing appertain- 
ing to Captain Charles Perrin, he the aforesaid Mr. James Peachy 



giving us a full discharge that there has been no detriment to ship or 
cargo by her detention." 


Another dispute about the places in the Council arises between the 
Old and New Companies' servants. This time 
Messrs. John Maisters and Arthur King brought 
the affair before the Council, complaining that the old Company's men 
took the best places. Again they read the letters on the subject from 
the Directors in London, and again they decide that the Directors 
wished the places to be as follows : — 

August 7th. 

Old Company's servants ... 
New „ „ 

13 6 7 

2 4 6 8 

The Council is to stand thus : — 

1. Ralph Sheldon. 

2. Egbert Nightingale. 

3. John Russell. 

4. John Maisters. 



Edw^ard Pattle. 
Arthur King. 
"William Bugden. 
Abraham Adams. 

Their several offices are to be : — 

Ralph Sheldon 
Robert Nightingale 
John Russell 
John Maistebs 
Edw^ard Pattle 
Arthur King 
William Bugden 
Abraham Adams 


Export wareshouse-man. 
Import „ 

Buxie [^Bakhshl]. 
Jemindar [Zamlnddr]. 

In spite of the discussion and apparent settlement, the New Com- 
pany's men still feel themselves aggrieved. Mr. A. Adams enters a 
protest in the consultation book, objecting that "should, there now be a 
vacancy on the old Company's side, he that fills it comes in over my 
head, and wiU be 7th, and I shall continue 8th, which is directly 
contrary to the Hon'ble Company's order." 

213.— a SUB-BAKHSHT. 

On account of Mr. King's ill-health, it was found necessary to 
appoint a Siib-Bakhshl. Mr. A. Adams was there- 
Augufltidth. ^^^^ ordered to act in that capacity, and Mr. 

Waldo, one of the factors, was to take his place as Secretary. 



The Council decided that Messrs. Pattle and Bugden should sit in 
the Court of Justice instead of Messrs. Maisters 

August 25th. J 17- 

^ and Kmg. 

September 11th. The followiDg resolution was entered — 

*' In consideration that Jonundun Seat, Gopaul Seat, Jadoo Seat Bon- 
narsjseat, and Jaykissen^ will keep in repair the highway between the 
Fort's land mark to the norward on the back side of the town, we have 
thought fit to abate them 8 annas in a bigha of their garden rent, which 
is about Es. 55 in the whole less than it is ordered in consultation the 
12th of June last, and they being possessed of this ground whicb they 
made into gardens before we had possession of the towns, and being 
the Company's merchants and inhabitants of the place." 


Messrs. Lloyd and Cawthorp sent to Calcutta for money to clear the 
saltpetre, which they hope to despatch at the end 

September 22iid. n ,f , -^ t^ r 

of the month. 


Mr. Arthur King, Member of the Council for the New Company, 
died on the 27th. At the Council, held the next 

September 29th. 

day, Mr. Edward Darell of the New Company 
was appointed eighth in the Council. He is to act as Secretary 
instead of Mr. Waldo. Mr. Adams of course takes King's place as 
Bakhshi, he having really filled that office since August 14th. 


The Council had been asked two or three times to put up a hospital 

of some kind for the soldiers. They now pass the 
October 16th. ^ . ,^. .tx-, 

following resolution: — Having abundance of 
our soldiers and seamen yeaily sick (this year more particularly our 
soldiers), and the doctors representing to us that for want of a 
hospital or convenient lodging for them, is mostly the occasion of their 
sickness, and such a place will be highly necessary as well for the 
garrison and sloops as the Company's Charter Party shipping to keep 
the men in health, it is therefore agreed that a convenient spot of 

' i.e., Janarddaaa Sett, Gopala Sett, Jadu Sett, Varanasi Sett, and Jaikpsh^a. 


ground near the Fort be pitched upon to build a hospital on, and that 
the cashiers pay out of the Company's cash for the said occasion 
towards perfecting it the sum of 2,000 rupees, and what more may 
be gathered in by subscription from the Commanders of European 
and Country shipping and the inhabitants, which is to be forwarded 
and gathered in by Mr. Ab. Adams, who is to look after the buildiug 
of the same under the direction of the Council." 


"Sir Edward Littleton,^ late President of the New Company, de- 
parted this life on the 24th instant at niffht, and 

October 27th. ^ . . 

was decently buried on the 25th at night. Mr. 
Adams, Bakhshi, with his assistants, Mr. Hussy and Mr. Cook, sent 
the next morning (the doors, &o., being sealed up with the Company's 
seal, and a guard set on the house overnight), to overlook his papers to 
see whether there was any will, which does not yet appear. Ordered 
that a further strict search be made by them, and if none appears, that 
they take an inventory of all his goods and necessaries and bring it to 
the Council for their perusal and further orders ." 


Dalibar, an ensign in the Company's service, was tried by tlie Coun- 
cil and sentenced to be kept as a prisoner on the 
guard for one month, and to lose two months' 

wages for entering the house of one Mr. Harris, Master-at-arms, and 

abusing and ill-treating Mr. Harris's wife. 


The VaJiil at the Diwan's camp wrote that the Diwan, Murshid 
Quli Ithan, " is ordered by the present King, 
Allum Shaw ['Alam Shah], to be the Subah's 
Naib \_Suhadar's ndib'] of this province." He has sent to tell the 
VaJdl that he would like the English to settle the Cassimbazar Factory. 
He also talks of sending the Vakil to Calcutta with his fjori^awrt to 
bring up the English merchants.' The Vakil says he is trying to 
avoid being sent, if possible, for he knows the Council would not 
wish it, and he asks the Council to send him orders. They agree to tell 
him in answer that they will write him an excuse to delay time till 
the year's shipping is gone, and they have further assurance of the 
Battlement of the Government. 

1 More details about Sir E, Littleton will be found in the intro iuctJOD to ths summaries. 



Proof having been brought in that Sir E. Littleton bad died 
without a will, orders are given that his goods be 
sold at public outcry, and the money paid into 
the Company's cash. 


The Council was getting anxious about the saltpetre boats for 
which they were waitino:. The winter shippins 

NoTember 6th. , , /, , , f .,, , %nr^ 

could not be despatched till they came. " We 
not having of late advices from Patna, believe our cossits [qasids'j are 
miscarried, and we are advised by the merchants that our boats have 
left Patna. Ordered that the ensign and 40 men be sent up to clear 
the boats, and bring them down to Calcutta and that Mr. Waldo be 
sent with them." 





From December 1707 to December 1708. 

Court of Managers. 
At beginning of this year. 

1. Mr. B. Sheldon. 

2. „ Robert Nightingale. 

3. „ J. Russell. 

4. „ Maisters. 

5. Mr. Edward Pattlb. 

6 „ Abraham Adams. 

7. „ W. BUGDEN. 

8. „ Edward Darkll. 

December 2nd. 

Zamindar. — Mr. W. Bugden. 


On the 2nd of December, Mr. Cawthorp reached Calcutta from 
Patna. The petre boats had not yet arrived, and 
Bome anxiety was felt about them as they had been 
sent off before Mr. Cawthorp started from Patna. On the 11th, much 
to the relief of the factory, the boats arrived, 

December 11th. *' ' 

escorted by Mr. Waldo, and the soldiers who had 
gone to meet them. They had been hindered by the shallowness of 
the river which was almost dry. Mr. William Cawthorp had come 
to Calcutta to see after the presents that he had promised, in the 
name of the Company, to the Governors of Rajraahal and Dustuck- 
maul for letting the saltpetre boats pass. The Governors had sent 
chohddn to receive the presents. Mr. Edward Pattle was therefore 
ordered to deliver twenty yards of broadcloth, six 
sword-blades, and six hookahs for the Governor's 
present to each c/iobdnr and five rupees each for themselves. 



On January 5th they hear that a new Governor has arrived at 
Hugli, and they agree to send Mr. John Eussell 

January 5th, 1708. ■• -»r -r\ n • -i i • t i - 

and Mr. Uarell to visit mm, and desire ma 
friendship. The usual ceremonies, salams, and the like are to be gone 
through by them in order to gain his favour. 


They are much exercised in their minds as to what they shall do 
about the Patna Factory. In the present state of 

January 19th. . , 

country it is not safe to spend much money in 
keeping it up, and yet it is not wise to abandon it too suddenly. 

On I9th January they came to the following resolution : — "Having 
considered about the Patna residence, of a further investment for 
this year, finding we cannot possibly gather all the Company's effects 
there, for the servants to come away this season. We therefore 
deem it best for the Company's interest to continue it Eind to make a 
small investment (not venturing too much money at a time up) so as to 
get all things together to come away the first of next season, if the 
affairs of the Government do not appear better than at present." 


The accounts of the three towns and buzzar for November last ■were 
brought in by Mr. Bugden, zemindar, at this 

February 2n(L r> J o ^ > 

Council ; they amounted to Es. 976-13-3. 


Some more saltpetre boats had been despatched from Patna at the 
beginning of the year, and had not been heard of. 

February 9th. -inn. i . ii /~« 

Hence the following order m the Consultation 
Book : — " The Company's saltpetre boats having left Patna some time, 
and we suppose by this time may be arrived at Bajmahal, ordered that 
Mr. Calvert, with a sergeant and 35 soldiers, proceed to Cassimbazar, or 
f uther, if occasion be, to clear them of the troublesome ohowkies and 
bring them down to us." 


At this same Council they decide to send Mr. Cawthorp again to 
Patna to help Mr. Lloyd. Cawthorp is to send 

February 9th. ^ . 

a letter to tell Lloyd to be in readiness to come 
away by the 1st of August. 



The zamlndar's accounts for the three towns and buzzar for Decem- 
ber were brought in and passed, the amount being 
Es. 792-10. 


They receive news at the factory that the Dutch and French have 
both sent presents to the new Governor of Huffli, 

February 23rd. . .^ . \ - f l,- , t 

and that he was pressmg icr his present from 
the English. They therefore agreed to send him the usual present of 
European goods by Mr. Darrell. 


Antonio de Eota, a head pilot, was brought up before them and 

charged with using their sloop to attend a ship 

that belonged to outside merchants. They resolve 

this time only to fine him, but to caution him that for the next 

offence he will be turned out of the " Company's service, towns, and 



The following resolution was passed relating to the rents of Govind- 
pur : — *' We having bad several complaints from 

March 25th. o ■ i 

the inhabitants of Govenpore that they are not 
able to pay the rent, we last ordered in consultation and desire some 
abatement, agreed that there be a small allowance made them accord- 
ing to the list that was brought in by Mr. William Bugden, Jemindar 
\_Zannnddr], and that the list be annexed next to this consultation." 

Acccw\t qf what tJte Govenpore tenants are willing to pay. 

B. c. Rs. Rs. A. 

57 9 Houses, 2, and some S 8 per bigah. 

510 1 1 Paddy, 1. » » 

35 J 4 Green trade I 8 „ ,, 

2 Beetle 3 „ „ 

1?9 16 Tobacco - . 2 „ 

59 2 Gardens 1 8 „ „ 

12 3 Plantains 2 „ „ 

4 lU Bamboos 3 0,, „ 

18 Grass 1 „ „ 


The account of the revenue for January of the buzzar and the 
March 25th. three towns amounted to Rs. 966-10*6. 



The Council received a letter from Madras, telling them of the 

unsettled state of the country. "No one can 

be sure who will reign — whether Shaw AUum 

[Shah 'Alam] or Cawn Bux [Kam Bakhsh."] The latter, they said, 

" is making all the preparation he can for war, and taking several 



Messrs. Darrell and Waldo bring in an account of the passage and 

license money paid to the Company for the year 

1707. It amounted altogether to 1,898 rupees. 

Of this sum the license money amounted to Rs. 1,300. The sums 

paid by the three punch-house-holders were at follows : — 

Domingo Ash, 2 licenses ... ... 600 

Govinsunder [Govindasundar], 2 „ ... ... 500 

Charles King, 2 „ at Ea. J 50 each 300 



The Governor of Hugli had sent for their merchants and " tried 

to get them to give him an obligation that they 

^ ' will not trade with us." On hearing what had 

occurred, the Council wrote to their vaJcU at Hugli telling him to go and 

ask the Governor why he wishes to stop the trade, and also to find out 

on what terms the Diwan's sanad may be obtained. 


The zamindar's accounts for the month of February last, brought in 
April 26th. and passed, amounting to Rs. 1,340-9-9. 


They write a letter to the Governor of Hugli acquainting him that 

" according to the Prince's Husbulumers \hashu-l' 
April 26th. ^ ° . , _^ , ^^ _ , _, , • 

amn] and King s Duau s [Uiwan sj orders to our 

black servants at Rajamahal, we are now despatching a Yacqueel 

[ Vakil] there to tend the Prince and King's Duan's orders, and that 

we desire his (the Governor's) recommendation to the Duan as he 

promised us." As they are sending a rakil, Civacharan, to Rajamahal, 

they will not need the Governor's services as negotiant. 

296 rOBT WILLIAM, JUNE 1708. 


They receive anrotlier letter from their vahll at Hugli, from 
which they gather that the Grovemor has greatly 
changed to them, and is anything but friendly. 
On this they agree to send the vakil to Bajamahal without delay lest 
in case the Governor should manage to prejudice the Prince and Diwan 
against them. The valcU is to start at once, taking with him copies 
of the former grants to the East India Company for the Prince to see. 
There is some fear that the Prince and Diwan will withhold their 
parioanas, because the new King, as far as they know, has not yet 
given his parwana for the whole of the factories of the East India 
Company. The vakil, if he questioned on this subject, is to say 
that they daily expect it, and will send the imperial order for the 
Prince and Diwan to see, and that if it does not come before a certain 
date, they will pay customs. 


*' We being in great want of a warehouse to sort the silk in, agreed 

that the sorting warehouse to the south be carried 

out to the point ; there being one wall already, 

the charge will be but small, and it will be a strengthening of the 



"There being more due, Rs. 150 from Benj. Wheatley, account 
revenues, for his license for keeping a punch- 
house, was this day paid into cash.'' 


The Zamindar's accounts for March were brought in and passed ; 
May 31st.* they amounted to Es. 968-13-9. 


They receive a letter from their vakil, telling them that he must 

have more money to give amongst the vounsr 

June 30th. ^ . , , ^, ^^ f ^ „,, J & 

Frince s and the Diwan s officers. They send the 

vakil a bill of exchange for fifteen thousand rupees and tell him that he 

must try and take out the sanad at once, and that they send him such a 

large sum in order that he may do so. He is also to complain to the 


Prince that the " delay about the sanad is stopping our trade and that 
his mutsuddis also stop our trade and do us injury." If the Prince 
and Diwan do not redress the wrong that has been done at once, the 
Company will take measures to get redress in some other way. They 
wrote at the same time to the Governor of Sugli, who is doing all 
he can stop to their trade, and tell him that they will retaliate when 
and where they find an opportunity. 


The zamindar's accounts for the month of April were brought in 
July 5th. aiid passed. They amounted to Rs. 1,948-3-3. 


The Governor of Hugli refuses to redress our wrongs, and insults 

our vakil and servants, and is keeping some of 

our black servants and one Englishman in prison, 

and still threatens greater severity. This letter causes great uneasiness 

at Calcutta. The Council immediately proceed to put themselves in 

an attitude of defence, fearing the Fort may be attacked. " Therefore 

it is agreed that we order all our guards vnth. ships Dolbon and Success 

(having none of the Company's ships here) to be in readiness, lest 

this hot-headed Pousdar \_FauJddr] should endeavour to commit any 

outrage on oiu: towns-people or settlement." They also agree " that 

forthwith we give an account of this matter to the Prince and King's 

Duan by the hands of our Yacqueel at Eajmahal by two expresses 

on purpose, ordering him out of hand to make complaint to them 

that we may have relief and justice in this affair." 

Things look serious for the Fort. They, therefore, decide that they 

will acquaint all the European and Christian in- 
July 10th. ,,..,. 

habitants in their towns with what has happened. 

"Having summoned all the European and Christian inhabitants 

and the masters of ships acquainting them, we expect some trouble 

from the Governor of Hugli, he having imprisoned our people and 

stopped our goods. TVe ordered that they forbear to go to Hugli for 

some time, and that they are in readiness under arms on summons to 

prevent any insolence he may design us, or in case there should be 

occasion to act anything against him, that they are ready thereto." 

"They all," adds the Consultation Book, "showed a readiness and 

declared they would be ready on all summons." The Council also 


order the black Cliristians to be trained for arms by the factory ensign. 
" The ensign having got all the black Cliristians together, we ordered 
that they appear under arms once a week to exercise. That they may 
be in readiness till further orders." 


Two days after these preparations for war had been made they 
,, _, receive a letter from Mir Muhammad Dafar, the 

July J 2th. Tt • • ' 

Prince's Qasidar. " I have been," he said, " to 
the Grovernor at Hugli and I told him that it was not well to 
interfere with the English and stop their trade, and that if he per- 
sisted in it he would repent." The Governor answered that the 
English trade had been stopped by order of the Diwan, and that as for 
imprisoning their servants and gumashtdhs it was not done by his orders 
nor with his knowledge. Mir Muhammad Dafar advises the English 
to- stop sending up ships to Hugli for a day or two, by which time 
he hopes to make things smooth. The Council in reply write: " We 
will gladly take your advice. Will you ask the G-overnor of Hugli to 
dismiss from his service the officers who imprisoned our men?" 


An account is brought in showing that the revenue to the Company 
from the rents of the buzzar and three towns for 
'^''^^ '■ the year 1707 amounted to Rs. 792-11-4 (sic). 


They receive another letter from the vakil ok Rajmahal, telling them 

that he must have still more money before he can 

'^ ^ " get the mnad. They agree to send him another 

fifteen thousand rupees. The'raAv^ also asks for three looking-glasses to 

be sent him, one for the Prince and two for the Diwan. 


The Company's revenues for the year past being collected and 

adjusted, it was found that the year dating 
July 15th. ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^j ^p^,.j ^^Qg^ ^^^ 

increase in income amounted to Rs. 5,756-5-6. 


They receive a letter from Madras, telling them tliat the " Pher- 

maund that the Empei-or had sent them for Fort 

July 26th. g^^ George by the hands of one Mulla Abdull 

Phasill \_Mulld 'Abdu-1-Fa?l] would come by way of Bengal." The 


letter asked the Council to make inquiries after tlie messenger and to 
assist him hy sending him on by ship to Madras. 


Some of their business at Hugli is cleared by means of a friendly 
July aist. merchant named Muhammad Ea?a. 


The Zammdar's accounts for May last brought in and passed, 
August 9th. amounting to E,s. 816-9-5. 


They receive notice from their vakil at Rajmahal that the Prince 
and Diwan have now increased their demands to 

August 9th. 

thirty-five thousand rupees for their sanad. The 
Dutch had already given this sum, and so the Prince and Diwan wish 
to force the English to do the same. The Council decide that they 
cannot give such a sum. They write to their vnkll telling him to offer 
twenty thousand rupees. If the Prince and Diwan refuse to accept 
it, the rakil is to come away, and when he comes to Calcutta the 
Council will again consider the matter. 


They receive a long letter from Madras, sending them on a copy of 
August 24th. the New King's Hashu-l-amr for Madras. 

The Zammdar's accounts for the month of June were brought in 
August 30th. and passed, amounting to Es. 806-13-9. 


The Company's stables falling down, "being only mud," the Council 
^ , ^ give an order to Mr, Adams, Bakhshi. to have one 

September 1st. ... 

built of brick " that may be durable ;" he is to 
build it in a convenient place." 


They receive a letter from Qi^'^acharan, the rak'il at Eajmahal 
„ , , „„ stating that he had paid the Diwan and the Prince 

September 6th. . . * 

thirty -six thousand rupees for the sanad, and had 
drawn a bill of exchange on the Company for that amount. The Council 


is very angry abolit this as they had ordered him on no account to give 
more than twenty-five thousand rupees. At first they thought of 
refusing to honour the bill; but, after a long consultation, considering 
that the time of year for despatching the winter shipping was at hand, 
and that it would injure their trade not to have the sanad, and to be 
on bad terms with the Prince and the Diwan, they agreed to pay it. In 
his letter the vaJcll assures them the sanad of the Prince and the Dlwan 
is such that now they will not need the Emperor's Far man. Though 
the Council had decided to honour the bill when it came to hand, they 
resolved to send some trusty person up to Rajmahal to look into the 
vak'iVs affairs, as they felt sure he was not dealing fairly with them. 
At this Council they resolve to send up their akhund^ by name 
Fazl Muhammad, to Rajmahal. He is to take 
with him a new vahil and to send Civacharan 
to Calcutta under a guard to answer to the Council for his conduct. 
The akhund is to make enquiries as to how the money sent up to 
^ivacharan has been spent. 


" The Company's European ships having not yet arrived and their 
covenanted servants being out of liquor, ordered 

September 16th. ^, ^ ^, . j n -^ • j r -d • v 

that the wine and iruit arrived from Persia be 
divided amongst them as customary." 


The Governor of Hugli sends them word that if they will again 
ojffer him. for his grant the sum of three thousand 
Septem er . gicca rupees, he will accept it. and their trade can 
be free in his domains. The Council send for the vakil who was at 
Hugli before, and tell him to start for Hugli, taking the money 
with him. He is not to pay the money to the Governor before he has 
received a receipt entitling the Company to all their former privilege 
at Hugli. 


The Zamindar's accounts for the bazar and the three towns for 
the month of July were brought in and passed. 
September 28th. ^^^^ amounted to Rs. 911-13-9. 


262.— UCENSES. 

"Mr. Edward Darrell paid into cash 1,000 rupees for two licenses 

granted to Domingo Ash and Black Jack for 

October 4th. j^^^^ ^^ ^^^p ^ Punch-house and distil arrack, 

due 29th of September." 


The dkhund returned from the Dlwan's camp and told the Council 
that, after having promised their sanad, the Prince 
and Diwan now refuse to give it for less than fifty 
thousand rupees as a present for the Diwan and Prince and a hundred 
thousand rupees 'to be paid into the Emperor's treasure at Surat. The 
dkhund had tried every means he could to lessen their exorbitant 
demands, but had not succeeded. The Diwan and the Prince, he 
said, were determined to have a large sum from the English. After 
much consultation the Council agree to write to the Governor of Hugli 
and tell him that they will now accept his former offer of acting as 
negotiant between them and the Prince and the Diwan. They ask 
him on what terms he will agree to try and procure their sanad for 
them. "This," says the consultation book, "is a very unaccountable 
method of doing our business at the Prince and Duan's camp by the 
Governor of Hughli : but the Dutch have iutroduced this unaccountable 
method, which we are obliged to follow, but we doubt not they will 
find a great inconvenience to attend their master's affairs by it, the 
Government having already obliged them to give a bill of exchange 
to Surat for 100,000 rupees." 


The Zamindar's accounts for the month of August were brought in 
October 25th. and passed, amoimting to Es. 950-15-7. 


Mr. John Maister, the second in the Council on the Xew Com- 
pany's side, having died on the 18th instant. 

October 2oth. -«r t • i r-n • • -I 

Mr. Josiah Chitty was appointed to the Council to 
fill up the vacancy. He was to take his place as eighth of the Council. 
** Mr. Maisters being export, warehouse-keeper, and now the place 
being vacant, Mr. Abraham Adams is ordered to take the charge upon 
him, aiid Mr. Edward Darrell the Buxie's charge and Mr. John Chitty 
to be Secretary." 



The diet money allowed to the Council was found not to be 
sufficient now, so the Council agree to increase 
it. They enter both their reason for so doing 
and the amount to which it is to be increased in a letter sent 
to London. "The inhabitants of the town increasing, by which 
provisions grow dearer, and the allowance of diet to the Chairmen 
and Council not near defraying their expenses, it is therefore judged 
equitable that a larger allowance be given, so that it may at least 
defray the charges of their table for eating, and considering that the 
Chairmen are at a far greater expense than the others by entertaining 
strangers, it is thought fit for each Chairman sixty rupees per month, 
and the other six of Council 30 rupees per month, which the Buxie is 
ordered to pay monthly." 


*'Mr. Robert Nightingale and Mr. Edward Darrell being appointed 
Mr. John Maisters' executors and having accepted 

November 1st. , -ii.i 

the same, produced nis last will and testament, 
and the witnesses, Mr. John Calvert and Dr. Lewis Demenny, appear- 
ing and taking their oaths on the Holy Evangelist that they were 
present when Mr. John Maisters signed his last will and testament, 
ordered that the same be registered." 

268.— AN ORPHAN. 

"Mrs. Susanna Child being dead some time and left no will; and 

there being only one child and no one to take 

care thereof, agreed that Mr. Adams looks after 

what effects she has left behind, and take care that the rents of the 

houses be paid towards maintaining the child to Mrs. Eose," 


"Captain Alex. Hamilton having made over or mortgaged his 
dwelling-house in this town for the sum of 
Rs. 2,902 appearing before us and agreeing 

thereto, ordered that the said overture be registered in the book for 

that purpose." 



November 8th. Mr. Darrell, sixth in Council, died. 


As the boats were being stopped on their way down the river owing 

to the hostile attitude of the Prince and Diwao, 

the Council resolved to send and tell Captain 

"Woodville and Mr. Spencer to take a good force of about twenty 

soldiers and ten gunners and bring down with them all the boats 

carrying goods that have the Company's dastak. 


They hear from the Governor of Hugli that he cannot get the mnad 
for them at the rate they offer. The Prince and 

NoTember 22nd. ^^^ -, 

Diwan are still determined to have an enormous 
sum. Rather than comply with these exorbitant demands the Council 
resolves to retaliate on the Prince and DiwSn, in two ways. They will 
stop all'the shipping subject to the Mogul Government as it passes their 
port; and they will command all English subjects to repair at once to 
Calcutta. This last step would affect the entire shipping of Hugli and 
Rajmahal, as nearly all the best Captains in the employ of the Diwan 
and the Prince were Englishmen. 

Through the native merchants the Governor of 
Hugli made them the following overtures : — 

" That if we would give Rs. 35,000 sicca, he will procure us the 
Prince's Nishaun \_Nishan] and Kings Duan's grant the same as we 
formerly had in every respect, and that we shall be at no further charge 
for any expenses to the mutsuddies [mutamddi8\ or others and no 
demands for the bill of exchange to Surat, and that we shall have a 
seerpaw \^sar-o-pa'\ and horse as usual with all the other customary 
signs of friendship." 

They agree to what he proposes, attributing his coming to terms so 
soon to " our former resolution of sending a good force to clear our 
boats in the country and our declaration of stopping Moorish ships." 


The Zamindar's accounts from the bazar and the three towns for 

September were brought in and passed, amount- 
November 27th. . i. T> o-n 1^ 1 
mg to us. 8o0-14-l. 




Commencing January 1708. 

274.— SALARIES. 

"Account salary due to the Company's covenant servants amounting 
to rupees 400 sicca, as per account broiight in, 

September 1708. , ^ . *& > 

being due the 26th instant. Agreed that the 
cashier pay the same." 


" Having received a general letter from the Hon'ble Old Company 
^ , , ^,^ the 4th instant per ship Dispatch of the 16th 

October oth. _ i. r -t 

April 1708, wherein they acquaint us that they 
have directed the Governor and Councill of Madrass to clear all our 
debts and send us money to invest what shall remain of these stock 
there, which we account will be considerable, since the Governor and 
Councill of Madrass writes us that they have more than double the 
amount of the Company's debt in Bengali due from the United Com- 
pany, which by the United Generall letter to Madrass we observe is 
ordered to be paid out of the stock that is coming out for that place 
this year. So we judge it highly necessary that we agree for what fine 
goods we can get ready to be sent home this season, on the best terms 
we can, since it is so late in the year that we cannot expect to have 
them cheap." 

1 Fort William Diary and Consultation and Charges General. Commencing January 1707-8. 
Ending December 1708. Receiyed per Howland, 31st August 1709. Bird wood Records, 



**TIie Hon'ble Company in their general letter seeming to disap- 
^ , ^ , prove of the charge we are at for salary, &c., 

October 6th. -"^ , ° .7 ' » 

on their separate account, and we are willing 
to give them satisfaction (notwithstanding we have now and shall 
have their business to negotiate) in all things, we therefore do agree 
and resolve that no further charge of salary or anything else be 
charged or paid on their separate account form this day forward, 
except Mr. Deane's allowance, who has no benefit of the United 
Service, and what usual reward is given to the accountant." 




Dece?nber 1708 to December 1709. 

The United Council, December 1708. 

Mr. Robert Nightingale. 
„ Abrahim Adams. 
,, JosiAH Chitty. 
„ James Love. 

Mk. Ralph Sheldon. 

„ John Russell. 

„ Edward Pattle. 
• „ William BuGDEN 

„ Ralph Sheldon and Mr. Robert Nightingale, Chair- 
men and Cashiers. 

,, John Russell, Book-keeper. 

„ A. Adams, Ua-port Warehouse-keeper. 

,, Edward Pattle, Import Warehouse-keeper. 

„ JosiAH Chitty, Secretary/. 

„ William Bugden, Zamlnddr. 

„ John Love, Baklishi. 


Mr. Love is appointed to the Committee to succeed to eighth 
place, Mr. Darell, the fourth man for the 
New Company, having died last month. 

278.— rent. 

The rent for the three towns being due, the Council ordered 
December 2ad. 485 lupees to he paid to the Ilugli Government. 

1 Received in England by SLip Sirelham, September 1st, 1710. 



Mr. Adams brought in the account of estate left by Sir Edward 
Littleton, the balance of his estate being 14,455 

December 7th. 

rupees 8 annas. 


A letter was received from Mr. Oawthorp, who was at Rajmahal, 
statinsr that he had drawn a bill on the Company 

December 13th. , , , j^, , • . 

for fourteen thousand sicca rupees m order to 
clear the boats. He had been forced to pay this sum to the Prince, who 
had stopped the Company's boats and imprisoned him until the money 
was paid. On the receipt of this letter, the Council was very angry. 
They had already paid a large sum for the sanad of the Diwan and the 
Prince ; they therefore refused to honour the bill, and wrote as follows 
to Mr. Cawthorp : — " We having agreed with the Grovernor of Hughli 
for the Priuce's Ne^hawn \_n\shdn\ and the Duan's sunnud and for clear- 
ing our goods from all parts of Bengali, we think we shall 

sufficiently pay for the Prince's favour without this great imposition.'* 


The native G-overnment was so very troublesome "at Patna and 
all the way up" that they agree to write to 

December 13th. ■» r t i n 

Mr. Lloyd to come away with all the Company's 
effects as soon as possible. They also agree to write to the Faujdar 
of Hugli, and to send up the akhund to tell him that the boats are 
stopped at Rajmahal and that the Prince and Diwan want twelve 
thousand rupees to clear them, which makes the Council "suspect 
that the phousdar [i.e. faujddr'\ has not acquainted the Prince with the 
agreement between the Company and himself. Therefore we request 
the favour of him forthwith to give us a letter to the Prince or Duan 
that he has agreed the business with us here and that our boats may be 
cleared immediately." 


It is ordered that all the money that Sir Edward Littleton had left 
^ , „„ , be paid to the New Company, who claimed it 

December 20th, 

under a bill of debt for 23,808 rupees 3 annas 
signed by Sir Edward Littleton, and dated April 1704. 

n 2 

308 FORT WILLIAM, ])ECEM»ER 1708. 


Mr. Cunningliam, latePresidentof Baajar, andMr. Edwards, second * 

arrived in the Company's ship Anna. They had 
December 21st, , . ^ , , ; , -r> • o r. 

been trying to settle tne Banjar^ factory, but had 
failed. A Council was called immediatelj'' on their arrival to hear what 
news they brought and to give them a welcome. They told of their 
failure to re-establish, the factory at Banjar, and that now even their 
endeavours to get a cargo for their ship had been frustrated by the 
hostile Government. They said that the Managers in England were 
expecting their vessel home witb the rest of the winter shipping, and 
they begged of the Council to find her a cargo and despatch her 
at once. They also brought a message from the factory at Bencoolen, 
to the effect that that factory was greatly in need of stores, and not 
able to buy rice, because of the disturbed state of the country. The 
Council order the hakhshl to provide suitable lodgings for Mr. Cunning- 
ham and Mr. Edwards and also to see after getting a cargo for the 
ship, so that she may be despatched with the otKer winter shipping. 
They order rice and grain to be got ready to send to Bencoolen 
at once. 

They receive a letter from Madras, containing letters from Mr. 
Hastings at Vizagapatam. The letter "advises 
us that Shaw AUum is advanced near Golcondah 

1 Mr. Cunningham and Mr. Edwards appear to have wished to take service in Calcutta, but 
this the Council would not allow till they had their master's orders on the subject. The 
matter could not be decided quickly. It would take at least a year to write to their Hon'ble 
Masters in England and have an answer back. So Mr. Edwards and Mr. Cunningham seem to 
have settled down in Calcutta, calmly waiting for an answer. 

2 Banjar, or Banjarmasin, in the south-east of Borneo, was long regarded by the English as 
a desirable place for an intermediate station to facilitate the exchange of European and Chinese 
produce. In 1614, 1615, the old Company kept agents there for a short time ; and in the years 
1699 to 1702 the new Company made various efforts to get a footing there. At last, in 1704, 
events seemed to take a favourable turn. The King granted the English permission to erect 
a fortification for the protection of their establishment. Accordingly on the union of the 
two Companies the Court decided to concentrate their trade at Banjarmasin, where a strong 
fortification was to be erected. Soon, however, 'in consequence of disputes with the natives 
a war broke out, in which the English took five Banjarese villages. Of these four were restored 
in consideration of three thousand dollars ; the fifth, Banjarmasin, was retained for the 
residence of the English. Here they built a factory, and soon began to carry matters with a 
high hand. But the Chinese, being jealous of the proportion of trade in pepper which the 
English had acquired, and foreseemg that tlieir fortifications would enable them to overawe 
the inhabitants, stirred up the Banjarese to make a sudden attack on the English on the 27th 
June 1707. After a severe struggle the> were driven off, but the loss of the EnglisH was so 
♦.great that the survivors escaped with difficulty on board the ships, carrying with them the Com- 
pany's treasure, but leaving some fifty thousand dollars on shore. The death of Agent Barr^ 
left them without a head, and it was resolved to abandon the place. 


and like to get the better." They also " ask us for sundry things for 
present, for Shaw Allum if our ships be come." 


They receive another letter from Mr. Cawthorp saying that he cannot 
come down till they seud the money for tho 

December 27th. . t • , t i • i • ami 

Prince. They decide to delay answering liim till 
they hear again fiom the Goveruor of Hugli. 


"Hana Ffoert, Peter Harnalston, Simon Jausea, and John Van Eok 
be sent to England on board the ship Harlandj 
they working for their passage home. They 
having committed several robberies at this place, and that they have 
protected several other thieves, and have received goods from tbem j aa 
has been plainly made appear to us ; therefore we think it very 
convenient to rid the town of such troublesome persons ; agreed we 
advise the Company thereof." 


They again receive a letter from Mr. Cawthorp, and also one from 

Captain ^^oodville, who had gone up to help to 
Janoary 3rd, 1709. ■, • -, i i • i i i 

bring down the boats, saying that the saltpetre 
boats are all detained at Rajmahal because the Prince has not received 
the fourteen thousand sicca rupees he demands. As far as Mr. Cawthorp 
and Captain Woodville can gather, the Faiijdar of Hugli has not done 
anything in their favour, nor has he the power so to do. The Council 
agree to write to Mr. Cawthorp and to the shroffs to say that they will 
pay the money. Tlie shroffs are to supply it and draw a bill on the 


Mr. Nightingale, the Chairman on the New Company's side, finding 
his health failing bim, and wishing to jro to 

January 6th. . o e 

England, applies for and receives his discharge 
from the Company's service. He is allowed to go to England in 
one of the Company's ships on the payment ninety-six rupees, the 
equivalent of £12, which seems to have been the usual amount of 
passage money from India to England at that time. He has the 
entire use of the great cabin. 



Mr. Adams is to "become Chairman for the New Company in Mr. 
Nightingale's place ; Mr. Josiah Chitty is to be 

January 6th. .^ 

Export Warehouse-keeper ; Mr. James Love, 
Buxie ; and Mr. Samuel Blount is to be elected to fill the vacant 
place left in the Council, that is the fourth place, in the New 
Company, or eighth in the Council. He is also to be Secretary. 


" Josiah Townsend having brought up the Company's vessel {Marij 
Smack) contrary to his orders received from us, 

January 10th. _ . „ , . 

and now having present occasion for him, think it 
not convenient to give him any bodily punishment ; ^ agreed that for 
the present we fine him three months' pay and return him with all 
expedition with the vessel into Ballasore road, for fear the Company's 
shipping should be there and want one to bring them into the river." 


They received a letter from Madras, telling them that the country 
is as unsettled as ever, and that the competitx)rs 
anuary . ^^^ ^^^ throne have not yet met, but that a 

battle i's daily expected. 


The zamindar brought in the accounts of the bazar and the three 
towns for the month of November, the balance 
being Rs. 837-9-2. 

February 4th. 


" Mrs. Hill being desirous to sell her dwelling-house, and there 
having been public notice given by bills on the 
^ "^^ ' gates, and no demands appear, agreed that Captain 

Herbert have liberty to buy the same and that the sale be registered." 

1 Was this Townsend connected with Josepli Town^^hend who died the 26th June, 1738, and 
whose tombstone is still to be seenin St. John's Churchyard, Calcutta. — 

" Here lies the body of Joseph Townshend, Pilot of the Ganges. Skilful and industrious, 
a kind father and useful friend, who departed this life the 26th June, 1738, aged 85 years." 

This Townsend also figures in a local ballad which connects him with Job Charnock. 



On "Wednesday, the 16th, they received advices from several shroffs 
of note and from the Hugli Government of an 
e ruary „ engagement between the King Shaw Allum 

[Shah 'Alam] and his brother, Cawn Bux [Kam Bakhsh], near 
Golgondah [Golconda], about 40 days since, wherein the King had 
an entire victory and slew his brother and one or two of his sons, and 
vanqnished his party ; so that 'tis now believed the kingdom will soon 
be at quiet and the government more orderly." 

They receive from Madras confirmation of the death of Kam 
Bathsh. The Madras Council also tell them that 
e ruary ^-^qj are sending up a present to the Kiog in 

order to procure the necessary /ar»wdw«. 


" Mr. Sheldon being very much indisposed, and has been for these 

last two months without relief, and the Doctor 

roary — • advising him to take the sea air for which end 

he desires the 2Iary Smack with Mr. Adams, the gunner (who is a 

navigator), with the Doctor to send him out to sea for ten or fifteen 

(lays. Agreed that the Master of the Smack be ordered to get her 

ready and to take care that all necessaries and stores are on board to 
send Mr. Sheldon out and in as he may direct." 


"The Company ha^ing given us liberty and directions to mako 

drains and necessaries for the Fort, and we having 

February 28tli. ^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ eastward which in somo 

measure defends our bastion and yields good water, when in tho 
months of March and April the river water is brackish, which being 
necessary to be enlarged and deepened to keep the water good and 
constantly in it. — Agreed that we lengthen the same what may be 
thought convenient and deepen what is made, so that the next season 
at least we may reap the benefit, and the Buxie is ordered to pay 
the charge and enter it under the head of drains; also that he fill 
up the earth between the two waterside bastions even with the earth 
of the said bastions, and throw rubbish, ballast, etc., to face it which 
holds very well and answers the end." 



They come to the conclusion at this time that the towns did not 
yield the profits they ought, so they ordered 

February 28th. ^, . 

that — 
"The Zamindar or Bent-gatherer is to consider of the best means 
and easiest ways possible to raise the revenues and see that all our 
former orders of consultations for the benefit thereof be put in exe- 
cution and that he bring his report in." 


After much consultation they agree to continue the Patna factory, 
" now the Grovernment is more settled, and now 
that the Grovernment and Council of Madras are 
hoping to get a phirmaund for the whole of the Company's factories 
from the King." A letter had been received from England a few 
days before this, ordering them to keep on the Patna factory if they 
possibly can. They therefore send a letter to Mr. Lloyd telling him 
still to continue the factory, and to see about buying in goods for the 
coming season. 


The accounts of the revenues from the bazar and the three towns 
for December were brought in and passed, the 
March 5th. uUnoB being Rs. 1,010-7-10. 


The import warehouse-keeper gave notice that the warehouse used 
for pricing the goods was in a very bad state. 
On the following resolution was passed .• — 
« The warehouse we price goods in being very much out of repair, 
the timber rotten, and the water in the rains falling down and damag- 
ing the goods, and the outward wall of both godowns being cutcha, 
agreed that we build that pucka and repair the whole out of hand, that 
it may be fit for sorting goods the ensuing season." 

301. -HUNTING. 

March 12th. "Mr. Chitty gone a hunting." 


302.— PIRATES. 

The Council receive a letter from Madras, telling them that the 
King is not willing to grant the Company a 
March 23rd. farmdn unless they will undertake to secure their 

ships from pirates at sea. 

The January accounts of the hazar and the three towns were passed, 
March 2Sth. the balance heing Es. l,6Q9-3-l. 


March 31st. It is agreed to reduce the garrison. 

"Shaw Allum [Shah 'Alam] heing now entire victor and sole 
King, and we having a prospect of peaceable times, 'tis agreed] that 
we reduce the soldiery to less number, i.e. — 

I Captain. 

1 Ensign. 

60 Soldiers. 

66 Drummers and Corporals included. 
66 The second Company. 

1 Master of Arms. 

2 Portuguese Armourers. 
2 Bengal Armourers. 

137 Men in aU." 

" Ordered that they are reduced to the above number, and the 
Buxie is ordered to see he pays no more from this time forward, and 
will save the pay of 30 men per month." 


Mr. Lloyd wanting help at Patna, it is agreed that " Mr. Cawthorp 
and Mr. Gibbon do proceed to Patna so soon as 

March 31st. , i i -i j .,-,,. 

they can by land to assist in the investment 
there, and that Mr. Frankland be sent afterwards with the boats] with 
what goods we send." 


Apparently the Company had some difficulty in finding a man 
to fill the post of Black Zamlndar, who was likely 

April 4th, ,.,,., 

to prove nonest, as some time baok m last year 


they were looking for one, and according to the following notice had 
only Just found such a man : — 

"The Black Zamindar's place in taking care of the bazar and 
the three towns being void for several months, during which time 
Nunderam has acted, we having now found a fit person to fill it up, 
one Rambudder having given under his hand, and Santose Mullick 
being bound for his well and honest performance, agreed that forthwith 
he enter upon that business and have wages as the former man had in 
his place." 


The account of the last year's tonnage, pass-money, English fines 
and punch license money was brought in by 
Mr. Blount, the Secretary ; it was passed and paid 
into cash, the amount being 1,665 rupees. 


The ship Recovery arrived from England having on board soldiers 

for Calcutta sent out by the London Directors. 

^" ' Only nine private soldiers out of thirty arrived 

in Calcutta, the rest having died on the voyage. With the soldiers 

came Captain Child and one Sergeant. 


Mr. Josiah Chitty and other servants of the Company made complaint 
against the chaulds. They said that they had 
^"' "^ * been " affronted and abused very much by Kid- 

derpore cJiaukl in their going down aboard the ships." The chauku 
had also " of late been very troublesome in stopping the Company's 
boats with goods." Accordingly the Council agreed to "send down 
thirty soldiers and twenty black gun-men to fetch some of them up to 
punish them, so as they may not be so impudent for the future." 

"Yesterday the soldiers and black gun-men as was ordered in that 
consultation went to Kidrepore chnukl : when 
Apni 26th. landed, one of them with cutlass cut one of our 

sergeants, almost half through his body, but before he fell he shot the 
man, that wounded him, dead, upon which our men took several of 
their people prisoners, and have now brought them before us. We have 
found six of them that actually opposed our men with drawn swords. 
We have considered it and believe it will be for the Company's 

FORT WILLIAM, MAT 1709. 315 

interest to have them severely punished to deter the other troublesome 
chaukJs from committing the like. Agreed that each of them ba tied 
to the post and have 21 strokes with a split rattan, and be kept for a 
further punishment." 


They receive news of the death of Mr. Ralph Sheldon * at 
Hugli. His body is brought down to Calcutta to 
be buried there. Mr. John Eussell is appointed 
Chairman in Mr. Ralph Sheldon's place ; Mr. Edwin Pattle is to be 
Accountant ; Mr. Bugden is to be in charge of the Import Warehouse ; 
and Mr. Lloyd is to be the new Member and Zamindar ; but as he is at 
present in Patna, Mr. Blount is to take charge of the Zamindar's place 
and the Secretary's office until Mr. Lloyd comes home. 


They receive notice that " Mir Muhammad Raza, Commissioner of 
the Prince's treasury, is in a few days expected to 
"" pass through Hugli in his way to meet Sher 
Buland Khan, who is coming into Bengal as chief manager of the 
provinces of Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa Now this Muham- 
mad Raza being the treasurer's friend as well as chief officer under him 
for his private affairs, and having been always very ready to serve the 
Company, agreed that we send Janarddana Sett, our broker, and 
the AJihiirul to Hugli to wait on him, and present him with a present 
to the value of Rs. 500 which present we promised him last year for 
accommodating affairs between us and the Hugli Government. If so 
be that Muhammad Raza stay at Hugli two or three days, then 
they are to advise us of it, on which it is agreed that Mr. Chitty do 

proceed to Hugli to wait on him from the Council Now 

the favours we are to desire of them are these : — On the arrival of our 
people at camp to visit Sher Buland Khan in order to procure a sanad, 
that he assist us all he can." 


"Cojah Sarhad being indebted to the Company, and he having 
May 2nd. considerable value of goods in his house, agreed 

that we get two peons there, that there be 
nothing carried away." 

» Further details about Sheldon wiU be found in the introduction to these siunmaries. 

316 FORT WILLIAM, MAY 1709. 


A letter is received from Madras with the following news : — 
"They say the Rashpoots [Eajptits] are in arms and design to 
oppose the march of King Shaw Allum : that the 

May 2nd. . 

Governor [of Madras] daily expects an answer to 
his letter; wrote to the Lord High Steward ahout getting a phirmaund ; 
that they believe there will be greater trouble than here has been yet 
b.etween the father and his four sons." 


The account of the revenue of the bazar and three towns for Febru- 
ary was brought in and passed ; the balance 

May 2nd. '' , -rT , J:' ' 

amounted to Rs. 1,028-15-4. 


The Council ordered that "Messrs. Bugden, Love, and Blount sit 
May 2nd. in Court, there having been none of late." 


They agreed to write to the Governor of Hugli to give up a rent- 
gatherer of theirs who had been caught cheating 
at Calcutta and had fled to him for protection. 
"Several complaints having been made against Nan darama, that was 
employed in gathering in the Company's rents. He going with 
Mr. Sheldon to Hugli, and bearing thereof, fled from justice ; but 
since we hear that he is at Hugli and he has given money to the 
Government upon their promise of protecting him. — Agreed we write 
to the Governor and demand him, he being our servant, that we may 
have satisfaction for the abuse to the Company." 


Captain Child is ordered to be "confined upon the guard until 

further consideration," because "we think him not 

^^ ' a fit person to be trusted." " On the second 

night being on duty he committed a great disorder and disturbance in 

the town," and also "several complaints have been made against him," 

and " two women claim him as husband." 

FORT WILLIAM, MAY 1709. 317 


"Mr. William Anderson, the Company's Chaplain at this place, came 
before us and produced a commission from the 

May 9th. 

Lord Bishop of London to consecrate the church 
newly built in this place. Agreed he be permitted to execute said com- 
mission as usual on such occasions " 


Janarddana Sett and the akhund returned from Huo-li where 
, , Mir Muhammad Raza had received them verv 

May 12ta. t • n i • 

kmdly, and promised to do all he could for the 
Company. Mir Muhammad also writes the Council a letter, wherein he 
says "he will make the Company's business his own." 

They receive an answer from the Governor of Hugli. He gives up 
Nandarama to them, and is sorry he protected 
*^ ■ him against justice. Nandarama is ordered to 

be imprisoned, whilst Mr. Bugden looks over his accounts, and the 
bazar drum is to " be beat about the town to give notice to all 
the black inhabitants that whosoever has any money or effects of 
Nandarama in their possession, that they do not deliver them to him 
or to any of his family till such a time that we have inspected into 
the town accounts, and find out what he has wronged the Company 

" Some of the Company's budgerows being very old and hardly 
May i2tii. ^"^^^ repairing any more, ordered that Mr. 

Love do build a new one, and when that is 
finished that he dispose of one of the old ones." 

They send a vakil to meet Sher Buland Khan, the new Governor. 

May 20th. "^^^.^ ^'^^ ^'^™ °^^®^^ *^ ^^^ entirely on the 

advice of Muhammad Eaza. As soon as the 

Patna rakll can be got down to Calcutta, they are goino- to send him 

as he is acquainted with Sher Buland Khan, and with him they 

will send Mr. Chitty, one of the Council. 



The account of the revenues of the bazar and the three towns for 
March last was brought iu and passed, the balance 

May 20tb. , . t-, „_ . o ^ 

being Es. 890-3-7. 


Mr. Chittj refuses to go to wait on Sher Buland Khan, so Mr. 
Pattle is to go instead. No reason is given 
^^ ' for Chitty's refusal to obey the Council's orders. 

In the Consultation book it is recorded that " Mr. Chitty's reasons for 
not wishing to go to wait on Sher Bulaud Khan, which seem to 
us just and right, are annexed next after this Consultation." But 
they are not. 


" The Dutch Chief of Cassimbazar having several times desired our 
Chaplain to go up there and baptise his child. 

May 30th. j\ v ^ 1- ^ nr 

and he has now renewed his request, as Mr. 
Anderson has now advised us in his letter to us of this day's date, and 
desires we would give him liberty to comply with the same. — Agreed 
that he go after the consecration of our church is over." 


They agree to send Mr. John Eyre with Mr. Pattle to meet Sher 
Buland Khan. 

*' Yesterday arrived a messenger from Sher Buland Khan, and 
brought us a pane ana for our business to go on 
as usual, till we can conveniently send one to him 
to procure a sanad which we design as soon as we hear he is arrived 
at Maqsudabad. Agreed we make the messenger a present to the value 
of 120 rupees being necessary for the Company's affairs, and what 
is customary. " 

Cojah Sarhad, who owed them money, petitions to have the peons, 
who are watching his house, taken away, as he is 
June 1st. willing to pay the money he owes. The Council 

gives an order accordingly. 


*' The church lately built in this place was consecrated and called 

Monday, June 6th, 1709. gt. Aun's. " 



The accounts for the month of April of the bazar and the three 
towns were brought in and passed, the balance 

'"^^ ''''• beiog Rs. 2,014-3-6. 

The accounts for the month of May of the bazar and the three 

July 11th. towns were brought in aud passed, Rs. 2,014-3-6. 


'Jhey receive a letter from Mr. Pattle, telling them that the boats 
are stopped at Rajmahal by order of Sher Buland 
Khan because the Company were hesitating about 
the price of a sanad. Sher Buland Khan asked more for his sanad 
than the Company wished to give. They agree to write to Mr. Lloyd 
telhng him to get the sanad on any terms he can, *' as the stopping 
of boats up the river will prevent our sending off ships in time." 


They receive a couple of letters from Bencoclen, asking them to 
send stores and provisions to the factory there as 

July 25th. ., , 

soon as possible. 


Mr. Battle writes asking for English goods to give as a present 
to Sher Buland Khan. In answer to his letter 

August lOth. 

they send him goods worth 2,000 rupees. 

The accounts of the revenues of the bazar and the three towns for 
. t '>'' d June are brought in and passed, the balance being 

""^ ^"° ' Es. 1,129-12-3. 


" The Hon'ble Court of Managers ordering us to give iron for the 
church windows, and there being now due on that 
account Rs. 1,310-9-3, agreed that the cashiers 
pay the same." 


They receive another letter from Mr. Pattle at Cassimbazar telling 

Se tember 3 d. them that the Subadar had received him kindly, 

and promised him his utmost assistance in the 

Company's affairs, and that "he, the Subah [Subadar], had wrote to 

the Governor of Hugli not any ways to molest our business." " We 


were all very glad at this, and hoped for the sunnud Boon," says the 
Consultation Book. But their joy did not last long, for on the very 
same evening they received bad news. 

" Last night late received from Mr. Pattle a letter dated the 30th 
of August, acquainting us that the Subah, notwithstanding all his 
promises, positively demands 45,000 rupees on receipt of which he will 
give us his perwanna, and when the present Duan is confirmed or a 
new one sent, that lie will procure us his sunnud, without which he is 
resolved to admit of no more delays from us but will stop all our 
business having called all the merchants at Muxodabad to give in an 
account of what goods they have provided for us in order to their 
paying custom. The Subah further adds that the Prince last year 
forced from our Patna boats 17,000 rupees, and, if we comply not, 
that we shall see what he can do." . . . . " On these advices we 
meet early this morning to consult what to do in these unsettled times, 
and cannot find any remedy ; for since the new King is come to the 
throne, we have had no order from him to trade as usual which is the 
advantage the Government takes hold of. Therefore it is resolved we 
write immediately to Mr. Pattle, ordering him to make an end of it 
the best way he can, for it is certain if we comply not, the Subah will 
again stop our Patna fleet, which (as the year before) will not be let 
loose till a large sum is extorted, as also custom to be paid on our 
goods, which we have bespoke of the Cassimbazar merchants, which 
will be of very ill consequence." 


They receive a letter from Madras telling them that the Council 
there Was sending presents to the great Mogul 
and also black Ambassadors to negotiate at his 
Court for a King's phirmaund, and advising them to do the same. 
*' They also tell us that a French ship had arrived at Pondicherry and 
is cruising about and has taken a Dutch ship, and they wish us to keep 
a vessel cruising about off Point Palmiras from the 1st of November 
to the 10th of January to advise all ships to avoid them." 


"Received a letter from Mr. Pattle at Cassimbazar, enclosing 

^ Subah Seer Bullund Cawn's perwanna [the 

,°^' ^^ ° * §Qbadar Sher Buland Khan's pancdna/i] for our 


free trade in Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa, and the Subah's particular 
orders to Hugly and Eajamahal, Dacca and Muxodabad, acquainting 
them that he had given us a general perwanna." 

338.-WALI BEG. 

The letter alsQ goes on to say that Wali Beg, the ddrdgha of the 

King's treasury, who haA been most useful in 

^ " ' helping Mr. Battle to get the sanad, was coming 

to Hu<yli and would like to come on to Calcutta and visit the English. 

Mr. Battle advises them to offer the ddrogha a present when he arrives 

at Calcutta. 

Wali Beg visits Calcutta, is "received very civilly," and has a 
present of 1,000 rupees value made to him in 

October 1st. ^ ,.,,.,__ 

broadcloth, and the like. He promises to do all he 
can to keep the peace between the Hugli Government and the Company. 


The accounts of the revenues of the bazar and the three towns for 
octobe 1st. *^^ month of July are brought in and passed, the 

balance being Es. 1,352-3. 


" Mr. William Adams, gunner of the Fort, having been indisposed 
in his health, has leave to go to England : and 

October 3rd. , , . ' . _ ® „ ^ , "v* 

here being one Captain Henry Harnett, who was 
sent for from Madras, and is a very ingeneous man, understanding 
fortifications, etc., very well, agreed that he be gunner and have the 
same allowance as the former had, and he take charge of the gunner's 
stores. He is also to assist the Buxie as master of attendance iu taking 
care of the sloops in fitting them. He also undertakes to make the 
drains about the town as our masters have ordered. In consideration 
of these services, agreed he have further allowance of 30 rupees per 


Mr. Surman and some soldiers are to go up the river to meet the 
October 3rd. saltpetre boats that are coming down from Batna. 

The boats have been released, now that (he 
Company have the Subadar's sanad* 



The account of the half-yearly salaries due to the Company's 
servants was brought into Council and passed the 

October 3rd. ° ^ 

sum total of the salaries being Rs. 4,345-3-7.^ 
The cashiers are ordered to pay the same forthwith. 


They receive another letter from Madras about the present for 
the great Mogul. The Madras Council inform 

October 9th. ° ° 

them that they have heard rumours that the King 

is going to Delhi. If this be true, the Council at Calcutta had better 

not send the present to Surat, but by way of Patna to Delhi. The 

letter also again speaks of the trouble caused by the French cruiser off 

the coast of Pondicherry. A meeting of the Council was called to know 

-what should be done about the Frenchman, with the result that they 

" ordered Captain Dan Wilkinson to take the London sloop and cruiser 

between Point Palmiras and the sea reefs, the place where our pilots 

commonly leave ships when they carry them out." 

October 12th. 

Mr. Samuel Blount was married to Mrs. Waldo, 
widow of Mr. Henry Waldo. 


The Company was losing money on the Madras 

October 17th. . ^ -^ a J 

" The Government having often refused to take Madras rupees into 
the King's treasury, has caused their batta to fall from 9 to 7 per cent. 
Agreed we write to Madras advising them thereof, and that if any of 
our master's ships should arrive with them belonging to Bengal, they 
send us down the silver uncoined, which will turn to a much better 
account than Madras rupees ; and now we have got the Subah's per- 
wanna. We design to coin the Company's treasure at Muxodabad, 
which will be much more advantageous than Madras rupees should 
they ever rise again to 9 per cent." 

»The sum total only is given. 



On account of the French ship cruising about, they determined to 
send out the ships two together, " so that it will 
not matter if they don't meet the Dutch fleet till 
the Cape of Good Hope be reached." 


The accounts of the bazar and the three towns for August were 
brought in and passed, the balance being 

October 27th. ^^ 1,198-1-10. 


"Mr. "William Lloyd arrived here the 29th ultimo with the Hon'ble 
Company's boats of goods from Patna. He 
being eighth person in this Council is ordered 
to take his place accordingly.' ' 


"Mr. Blount brought in a Doctor's bill paid by Mrs. "Waldo for 
attendance and physic to her husband in his 

November 3rd. . • i i ji . • 

sickness, our Doctor being sick at that time. 
Ordered that the Buxie pay the same. 


The accounts cf the bazar and the three towns for September were 
brought in and passed, the balance amounting to 

November 10th. ^ - o 

Rs. 1,111-3-1. 


The Council agreed to send two soldiers and an officer with each 
ship "that goes out" in case they are attacked 

November lOtb. c o j 

by the French before they get to Madras. The 
soldiers are to be put on land again at Madias and to return to 
Calcutta by the next ship. 

Y 2 






From December 1709. 


John Eussell. 
Edward Pattle. 
William Bugden. 
William Lloyd. 
Chairmen and Cashiers 

Export Warehouse-keeper 
Import ditto 

Buxie [^Bahhshi] 
Jemindar [^Zaminddr'] 

Abraham Adams. 
Josiah Chitty. 
James Love. 
Samuel Blount. 

John Russell and Abraham Adams. 
Edward Pattle (away at Cassim- 

Josiah Chitty. 
William Bugden. 
James Love. 
William Lloyd. 
Samuel Blount. 


On the 29th of September last they had after much diflSculty 

obtained the Subadar's jt?ar«f awa/^ Sometime in 

November the Siibadar was turned out of his 

Governorship, and the Dlwan was now trying to stop all the Company's 

boats and goods, requiring the sum of Rs. 20,000 more before he let 

them pass, which " unreasonable demand cannot be complied to." 

Therefore they resolve to write to the Governor of Hugli and 
*' acquaint him that if the boats of goods that are stopped are not 
cleared, we will not let any of the Moor's ships pass." They also agree 
that they will send up forty soldiers and thirty black gunners to 
clear >the " boats that are stopped higher up the country," and that 
Mr. Spenoer and Ensign Dalibar go to command them. 




** Captain Francis Child having very much misbehaved himself 
T^ ,- ,«x.- insomuch that we can't think it safe to trust him, 

December J 2th. ' 

we have therefore ordered him to England on the 
ship Heme with one of his wives, the other we have ordered home on 
board the Sfretham." 


" Mr. Edward Pattle being still at Cassimbazar, and there therefore 
_ , ,„,^ beina: no one to fill the accountant's place, it is 

December 19th. » ^ ' 

agreed that Mr. Chitty fill that post till Mr. 
Pattle returns." 


They order that Captain Alexander Hamilton's house ** be sold at 
public outcry " in order to defray his debts. The 

Monday, December 26th. ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ g^^Q^j^ 


They received news from Madras of the death of the newly-appointed 
January 6th, 1710. Q-ovemor of that place, Gulston Addison. 



The accounts of the bazar and the three towns for the two months 
of October and November last were brought in 
anuary . ^^^ passed ; the balance being for October 

Es. 1,910-13-11, for November Es. 1,025-1. 

1 Gulston Addison, bom in 1673, was the son of the Very Rev. Launcelot Addison, Dean of 
Lichfield, and of Jane, the sister of the Right Rev. William Gulston, Bishop of Bristol, and 
was a brother of the celebrated Essayist. Dean Addison had, in fact, four children by his first 
wife, " each of whom for excellent talents and singular perfection was as much above the 
ordinary world as their brother Joseph was above them." Joseph was the eldest, and Gulston 
the Dean's second son. Launcelot, the third son, bom in 1680, was a demy and afterwards a 
Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford- About the time of Gulston's death, he visited Fort St. 
George, and died there in 1711. 

Thomas Pitt was superseded in September 1709, after being Governor of Madras for more 
than eleven years. On the 17th September the Heathcote arrived wita a packet from England, 
The next day the packet was opened and found to contain a letter dismissing Ktt from the 
service and "constituting Gulston Addison, Esq., in his room." "He immediately read the 
cash and tendered the balance thereof, .... but the new Governor desired the payment for 
that time might be deferred for that he was very much indisposed." Addison died the 17th 
October 1709, while Pitt was stiU in ifadras. At the time of his supersession Pitt says: — 
" They have made a very good choice in him for (Jovernor, but God deliver us from such a 
■candalous Council." 



"Agreed, the shipping being now gone, that we appoint every- 
one of the Council in their proper stations, viz., 
Mr. Pattle being at Cassimbazar, ordered that 
Mr. Chitty do take the charge of the accountant's office, and Mr. Bugden 
of the export warehouse and Mr. Love of the import warehouse, and 
Mr. Blount, Buxie." 


They received a long letter, dated 14th January, from Mr. Pattle, 

telling them that he had visited the Diwan and 

was promised a sanacl " which is written out." 

TThey determined to send three of the Company's factors to assist 

Mr. Pattle. Mr. Pattle also wrote that the Diwan had sent to clear their 

boats at Bidiepore, so there is "no need now to send Mr. Surman 

and Ensign Dalibar to clear them." 


For some reason not given, an order is issued that for the present 
Mr. Calvert is to act as Secretary and Mr. 

January 17th. 

Spencer as Zamindar. 


A ship from home arrived bringing nine covenant servants and 
„„ , , „ ,, thirty soldiers for Calcutta, also a certain 

January 23rd, and 26th. "' 

Mr. Grerard Cook, who brought papers stating 
that he was to be gunner to the Fort. The Council at Calcutta had 
already made Captain Henry Harnett gunner. Consequently they 
determined upon keeping two gunners " as there is so much to be 
done in looking after the Fort drains, etc.," and by way of giving the 
gunner something to do they agree " to begin upon the drains at once " 
BO as to do what they can " before the rainy season." 

The work allotted to the other nine covenant servants who came 

out was as follows : — 

. . r\ai ( Michael Cotsworth. 

Accompt. Office ... { 

( John Lloyd. 

-r, . TTT 1 ( Waterworth Collett. 

Export Warehouse ... ? _ 

^ I John Pratt. 

Import Warehouse ... Edward Crisp. 

Buxie's assistant ... John Cole. 

i Thomas Falconer. 
John Farmer. 

(John Cateral. 


362.— SET ON BY NAQDlS.i 
" This morning we received advice from Mr. Pattle that the Duan 
was dead of the wounds he had received from the 
NuggadeeB [Naqdis] when they set on him 
to endeavour to procure their pay and having not yet had any satisfac- 
tion continue ten thousand of them in arms near that place." 


They order Mr. Surman to go to Patna with money and goods for 
the factory. He was to remsiin. up there imtil 

January 80th. » n j 

further orders. 


They send soldiers to meet the Patna boats 

February 9th. ■,,■,■ ji ■% 

and to bring them down. 



""We have duly considered the Company's orders in relation to 
building a warf before the Fort, and find it will 

be a great security to the banks and a strengthen- 
ing thereto; it is therefore agreed we instantly set about it, and 
make it with brick and raise a breastwork and plant cannon there." 


"There being a great many English soldiers in the garrison who, if 
they lodge about the town as usually, will create 

February 13th. j ii_ • • , ,, 

Sickness and otner inconveniences to themselves 
and others, therefore 'tis agreed the hospital be walled rouod and that 
barracks be made in it for the soldiers to lodge in, and that some of 
the officers do likewise lodge there, and see a good decorum kept 
amongst them." 

1 The Naqdi regiments of horse were so named from being paid in money. It is said that 
on a previous occasion, 'Abdu-1- Wahid, the com m a n der of one of these regiments, tried to 
waylay and assassinate Murshid Quli Khan. With this intent he and his troops accosted the 
treas\irer in the street while on his way to pay a visit of ceremony to Prince 'AzIrau-sh-Shan. 
They demanded their arrears of pay in an insolent mauner, and attempted to prevent him 
from proceeding. But Murshid Quli, perceiving their object, put himself at the head of his 
armed retinue, and forced his way to the palace. He accused 'Aamu-sh-Shan of being party 
to the conspiracy, complained of the insult he had received to the Emperor Aurangzeb, and, 
considering it no longer safe to remain in the same place with the Prince, recnoyej to 



Mr. Blount, acting as Zamindar, brought in the accounts of the 
revenue for the bazar and the three towns for 

February 16th. -i-x i 

December, the balance being Es. 1,084-14-11. 


The Council resolve to recall Mr. Pattle until a new Diwan be 
appointed, as nothing can be done about the 

February 16th. l ^ 

sanad before that. Thej also order all the 
native merchants to deliver their goods straight to the Company's 
warehouses in Calcutta, so as to allow trade to go on as well as it 
oan under the circumstances. 

369.- ROSE'S WILL. 

*' Mrs. Rose, widow of Captain Eose, who died some time ago, has 
produced her husband's will, witnessed by Eliza- 
beth Browne and Thomas Clausade and Charles 
Pittman ; the two former witnesses are dead and the third at sea, but 
Mr. Browne, who was husband to the first witness, does declare that 
to the best of his knowledge it was her signing, ordered this will be 
entered next this Consultation." 


In the name of God, Amen. I, Eichard Eose, of Calcutta, in the 
Bay of Bengal, Mariner, being very sick and weak in body but of 
perfect mind and memory, praised be God for the same, therefore 
knowing 'tis appointed for all men once to die, do make and ordain this 
my last will and testament, that is to say, first, I recommend my soul 
into the hands of God that gave it, and my body I recommend to the 
earth to be buried in a Christian-like and decent manner, and touching 
such worldly estate wherewith it has pleased God to bless me with, I 
give, devise and dispose of in manner and form following. 

Imprimis — I give and bequeath to my loving wife, Sarah Eose, all 
my estate, goods, and chattels, after my debts and funeral charges being 
paid and satisfied, wherewith at the time of my decease I shall be 
possessed or invested, and I do revoke all other former wills or deeds 
of gift by me at any time made, and ordain this to be my only last 
will and testament, and 1 do make and ordain my said loving wife, 
Sarah Eose, my sole executor of these presents. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this 
eleventh day of October A.D. 1706. 


I give to my Cozen "William Mercer my seal ring. 

Richard Eose. 
Sealed and delivered, published and declared in the presence of — 

Elizabeth Browne. 
Thomas CLArsADE. 
Charles Pittman. 

370.— zamindari accouxts for january. 
The accounts for the bazar and the three towns for January laat 
February 27th. ^®^® brought in and passed, the balance being 
Es. 1,386-2. 

371.— ZAINU-D-DIN KHlN. 

The Council receive a letter from Madras telling them '* that Zoody 
Cawne [Zainu-d-Din Khan1, the great man at 

February 27th. j y-, • i ^ ~ /-, tx 

the Kmg 8 Court with whom Governor Pitt was 
treating withall for a Phirmaund [farmdn'], had wrote them a kind 
letter, and that he was coming to Bengal to be Subah [Subadar] of 
Hugli and Admiral of aU the sea ports on the coast of Coromandel, 
and that they would have us on his arrival here keep in good 
friendship with him." 


" The shipping being now aU despatched and contracts being made 
March 13th- ^^*^ ^® merchants for goods against next ship- 

ping, agreed that we go to Eewhigh for a few 
days to take the air and to recreate ourselves with hunting ; ordered 
that the Buxie [_£akkshl'\ get boats and necessaries for our going." 


"The Prince who is Subah [Subadar] of Bengal is now at Eaja- 

March 29th. mahal, at which place the Company's boats 

bound to Patna are stopped ; agreed to send 

Mahmud Assum [Muhammad A'zam] , our Vacqueel thither, to attend 

on that durbar." 


They agree to repair the Cassimbazar factory, as they hope to 
settle there next season, and the factory was 

March 29th. "' 

very much out of repair. 

330 FORT WILLIAM, MARCH 1710. ' 

They therefore order Mr. Acton to go up to Cassimbazar and remain 
there to see the work well done. 


They receive a letter from Mr. Lloyd, who is at Eajmahal, telling 

March 31st. *^®^ *^^^ " *^® Patna boats were stopped there 

by reason that all the officers of the Government' 
were gone from that place to meet the Prince, who was coming hither, 
and that there was none to give passes. Afterwards when they arrived 
they demanded large sums to clear the boats ; these he would not pay, 
but he must pay something. He told them too that Murshid Quli 
Khan was made Dlwan of Bihar and Bengal, and that he would come 
through Patna on his way to Bengal, The Council write at once 
directing Mr. Lloyd to try to procure sanads for both Patna and 
Calcutta from Murshid Q-uli wheu he is in Patna. 


■ The will of Nathaniel Jones was sworn to by the witnesses, and 
the Council ordered that it be '* entered next this 

March 31st. ,, .. >< 



"Will of Nathaniel Jones, dated 18th Jannary 1709-10, Calcutta. 

" In the name of God, Amen. I, Nathaniel Jones, of Calcutta, 
being very sick of body, but of perfect mind and memory, thanks be 
given to God therefore, and calling to mind my mortality, that it is 
appointed for all men once to die, do make and ordain this my last 
will and testament in manner and form following : — 

First of all I give and recommend my soul into the hands of 
Almighty God that gave it, and for my body I recommend it to the 
earth, to be buried in a Christian-like and decent manner at the 
direction of my executor, nothing doubting of a blessed resurrection on 
the last day; and as touching such worldly goods and estate wherewith 
it hath pleased God to bless me in this life, I give, devise and dispose 
of the same in the following manner and form : — 

Imprimis — As a legacy I give and bequeath unto my dear mother, 
Sarah Rose, out of my estate, the whole garden adjoining the house 
where I now live in Amen Corner to her and her heirs for ever. I 
also as a token of my filial respect do leave her two hundred rupees 
and a free possession of the house in which we live without any 
charge or molestation till such time as she shall think fit to re- 
move, and to my young brother, William Rose, I give all my wearing 

FORT WILLIAM, MAY 1710. 331 

apparel, buckles, buttons, cane and guns, as a token of my love, 
and to my friend, Thomas Hubbard, my best buckanering^ piece, to 
keep for my sake, and to my dear wife, Sarab Jones, I give and 
bequeath the whole remainder of my estate, to be possessed and 
enjoyed by her, bat if she should pro^e with child by me, my will is 
she possess one-half of the remainder of my estate, and the lawful 
heir of my body, the other half, to him or her, for ever ; and in ease 
my dear wife should die a widow without an heir, then it is my desire 
my remaining estate be given to my young brother, William Rose, 
aforesaid ; and I do hereby make and ordain my kind friend, Mr. James 
Love, my only and sole executor of this my last will and testament. 
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal in Calcutta, 
this eighteenth day of January, Anno Domini, one thousand seven 
hundred nine and ten. 


Signed, sealed, and delivered in the presence of us. (The above 
interlinement was done before signing.) 
Sealed, and witness hereof— 

John "Watts. 
Charles Middleton". 
Thomas Hubbard. 
377.— zamindlri accounts for february, 
Mr. Spencer brought in the accounts of the bazar and the 
three towns for February, the balance beinsr 

April IStlu „ « ^ « 

^ Rs. 1,314-2-8. 

Mr. Gerrard Cooke makes an application concerning his pay; he is 
ordered to receive the same pay as former gunners. 

May 1st. 

Rs. 50 per month. 


Mr. Pattle, who has evidently arrived from Eajamahal, is ordered 
to "sit on Saturday in the Comt of Justice vrith 

May 8tb. _ j -ir -r»i jt -n- 

Air. Liove and Mr. Blount. He is also ordered 
to take charge of the general books for 1710. 


The accounts of the bazar and three towns for March were brought 
May 22nd. iu and passed, the balance being Rs. 1,003-15-2, 

* Buccaneering piece (K. futil boMcanier): a long miuket usad in hunting wild oxen (Murray). 



"The new G-overnor of Hugli being near at hand at Hugli 
„ „,,^ . agreed that the Broaker do go up to meet him to 

May zotb. , ^ . 

compliment him on his arrival in his new govern- 
ment. He has wrote a very civil letter promising his kind assistance in 
our Masters affairs ; he is a greater man than has ever been Governor of 
Hugli ; he is also made Governor of Ballasore and of all sea ports here 
and on the coast of Coromandell ; he was put into these places by the 
King himself, and is independent of any Duan or Subah." "By 
Governor Pitt's advises last year," we learn " that he has been always 
very civil to our nation and is the Prince whom Governor Pitt, &o., were 
treating with about procuring a Phirmaund." 

382.— OLD HORSES. 

" Three of the Company's horses being old and wome out ordered 
May 30th. the Buxie pui, them up at outcry." 


The broker they had sent to visit Zainu-d-Din Khan returned and 
told them that he had been received with marked 

June 5tti. , . 

kindness by the faujdar, and that the faujdar 

would like to come to Calcutta to visit the Company ; only he had been 
told that it was customary for them to visit him first. So the Coun- 
cil agree to send Messrs. Chitty and Blount to Hugli to " visit and 
discourse with him." 


The witnesses swore before the Council to the authenticity of the 
last will and testament of "William White, dated 

June 13th. _^,, _, i>^in 

26th May 1710. 


In the name of God, Amen. I, William White, merchant, now resid- 
ing in Calcutta, in Bengal, at the writing hereof am of sound and perfect 
memory (though not of health of body), considering the uncertainty of 
this mortal life, do make this my last will and testament in the manner 
fuUowing, revoking all other wills by me heretofore made, and first and 
principally I commend my soul unto the hands of Almighty God, my 
Heavenly Father and Jesus Christ, his only son, my blessed Saviour 
and Redeemer, trusting by and through his merit, death and passion to 
obtain everlasting life. My body I commit to the earth to be decently 


buried at the discretion of my executors hereafter named, and for the 
worldly estate it has pleased God to bless me with, I give and bequeath 
the same as follows : — 

First my will and mind is I do hereby give and bequeath unto 
my sister, Elizabeth King, one hundred rupees, current of Bengal, for 
mourning, as also a mourning ring, now by me with a cypher on it. 

Item. — I give and bequeath imto Dr. Philip Eichardson the sum 
of forty rupees, current of Bengal, for his care of me in my sickness. 

Item. — I give and bequeath imto Mr. Thomas Smyth and Mr. John 
Cole each of them twenty rupees, current of Bengal, to buy them rings. 

Item. — I give and bequeath unto my niece, Elizabeth King, all my 
personal estate that shall be found remaining and to appertain to me 
after the discharge of my just debts and legacies aforementioned. 

Item. — My humble request is to the Hou'ble Chairmen and 
Council of this place that my body may be entered in the same tomb 
my deceased brother, Mr. Jonathan White, lies.^ 

Item. — I appoint and desire Mr. Thomas Smyth and Mr. John Cole 
to be executors of this my last WiU and Testament. 

Item. — I desire and request that the abovenamed executors do take 
care of what shall be found remaining of my estate to be sent to 
England to my sister, Elizabeth King, for the use of her daughter, 
EHzabeth King. 

Calcutta, ) William White. [ Seal. ) 


Signed and delivered where no stamped paper is to be had in the 
presence of us — 

Watt. Collett. 
Thomas Wright. 

•* A true copy from the orginall examd." 

John Calveet, Secretary, 


Rice was very scarce this year, not only in Calcutta but in Madras 
and Bombay too. Two or three ships had put 
into Calcutta, asking for supplies of rice. The 

> Tho tombstone of Jouathan White is still to be seen in St John's Churchyard: see ante, p. 4. 

The 26th May 1710. 



Company therefore regulate the price at which it is to be sold to the 
poor people. 

" There being now a very great scarcity of rice to that degree that 
the poor are ready to starve, agreed we order to be sold in the bazar, 
the fine at one maund for a rupee, and the coarse at maunds 10 for a 
rupee and to encourage the same : it is ordered that the Buxie sell five 
hundred maunds of the Company's at that price; by reason a great 
many of the country people hoard it up in hopes of getting a great 
price for it." 


They agree to send a present to Khwajah Muhammad Mahmud 
Eaza, Governor of Dacca, " where a great part of 
the Company's goods come from " as " 'tis in 
his power to do the Company's affairs a great deal of prejudice." 


The will of Eobert Owen, sworn to before 
the Council by the witnesses. 


" In the name of Q-od, Amen. I, Robert Owen, in Madras, bora in 
the Parish of St. Benedict, London, Mariner, son of Thomas Owen 
Yintner and Citizen of London, being in perfect health and memory, 
thanks be to Almighty God, and calling to remembrance the uncertain 
estate of this transitory life, and that all flesh must yield unto death 
when it shall please God to call, do make, constitute, and declare this 
my last will and testament in manner and form following, revoking 
and annulling by these presents all and every testament and testaments, 
will and wills, heretofore, by me made and declared either by word or 
writing, and this is to be taken only for my last will and testament and 
none other, and first being pennitent and sorry from the bottom of my 
heart for my sins past, most humbly desiring forgiveness for the same, 
I give [my soulj unto Almighty God, my Saviour and Redeemer, in 
whom and by the merits of Jesus Christ, I trust and believe assuredly 
to be saved and to have full remission and forgiveness of my sins, and 
that my soul with my body at the general day of Resurrection shall 
rise again with joy, and through the merits of Christ's death and pas- 
sion possess and inherit the Kingdom of Heaven, prepared for His elect 
and chosen, and my body to be buried in such place as shall be most 
proper, and now for settling my temporal estate and such goods, debts, 


and chattels, as it hath pleased God far above my deserts to bestow 
upon me, I do order, give, and dispose of the same in manner and 
form following. That is to say, first, I wiU that all those debts and 
duties as I owe in right and conscience to any manner of person or 
persons whatsoever, shall be well and truly contented and paid or 
ordained to be paid within convenient time after my decease by my 
executrix hereafter named. In witness hereby I have hereunto set my 
hand and seal this fourteenth day of July A.D. 1709. 

Imprimis — I give unto my well-beloved friend, Mr. Robert Glessde, 
merchant, in Madras, the sum of 20 pagodas, current of Madras, for to 
make mourning and ten pagodas for a ring. 

Item. — To my dear and well-beloved friend, Elizabeth Browne, of 
Madras, whom I likewise constitute and make and ordain my only and 
sole executrix of this my last will and testament, all and singular goods, 
money, and whatever else it has pleased God to endow me with either 
in England or any other place after my debts and charges of my 
funeral is paid, leaving my interment to the discretion of my said 
executrix, and I do hereby utterly disallow, revoke, and disannul aU 
and every other former testament, wills, legacies, bequests and execu- 
tors by me in any way before this time named, willed and bequeathed, 
ratifying and confirming this and no other, to be my last will and 
testament. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal 
this fourteenth day of July A.D. 1709. 

[Robert Owen.] 

Signed, sealed, and delivered, where no stamped paper is to be pro- 
cured, in the presence of us — 

Henry Harxet. 

Jos. Berners. 

Edward Bogers. 

A tme copy from the original examined per 

John Calvert, Secretary. 


" Mr, Samuel Blount desires of the Council to give him the small 

June 23rd. P^^® °^ ground that lies between Mr. Russell's 

warehouse and the house built by Dr. Warren 

which for the benefit of shipping he is to make a dry dock of. Agreed 

he has it, paying ground-rent for the same." 


July Srd. 

389.— Mes. SINCLARE'S WILL. 

The will of Mrs. Sinclare sworn to bj the 
witnesses before the Council. 


In the name of God, Amen. This tenth day of June 1710, 1, Sarah 
Sinclare, inhabitant of Calcutta, being very sick and weak in body, but 
of sound and perfect mind and memory (praise be given to God for 
the same) and knowing the uucertaiuty of this transitory life on eai-th, 
do make this my last will and testament in manner and form follow- 
ing, (viz.) : — First and principally I recommend my soul to Almighty 
God, my Creator, and my body to the earth from whence it was taken, 
to be buried in such decent and Christian-like manner as to my executors 
hereafter named shall think meet and convenient, as touching my 
worldly estate, my will and meauing is the same shall be employed and 
bestowed as hereafter by this will is expressed, and I do hereby 
renounce, frustrate, and make void all wills by me formerly made and 
declare and appoint this my last will and testament. 

Item. — I will that all those debts I owe in right or conscience to 
any manner of person whatsoever shall be well and truly paid or caused 
to be paid. 

Item. — I do give and bequeath to Mr. Josiah Chitty one burial ring, 
and to Captain Henry Harnet one more, and to his wife, Elizabeth 
Harnet, one more as a legacy. 

Item. — I do give and bequeath to Mrs. Elizabeth Harnet, wife of 
Captain Henry Harnet, my slave girl, named Dianah, during her life. 

Jtem. — I do give and bequeath to my slave, Jubell, in consideration 
of her true and faithful service, the sum of thirty pagodas, and her 
freedom, together with the freedom of all the children during their 


Jtem. — I do likewise give to my slave boy, Cesar, his freedom. 

Jtem. — I do likewise give and bequeath to my dearly beloved 
daughter, Katherine Maxwell, the one-halE of my estate, as goods, 
chattels, or whatever doth or may appertain, and belong to me now, 
or at anytime hereafter, likewise all my wearing apparel and chamber 
furniture to her and her heirs for ever. 

Itim. — I do g\vQ and bequeath to my dearly beloved sons Robert, 
James, and Henry Sinclare, the remaining half of my aforesaid estate, 
they allowing out of said legacy ten pounds sterling per annum to toy 


dearly beloved mother, Johannah Vixinbridge, during her life, and if 
in case either of my said sons should die, I will that his share shall be 
divided amongst the rest. 

Item. — I do constitute and ordain my trusted friends, Mr. Jos. 
Chitty and Captain Henry Harnet, of Calcutta, to be my sole executors, 
to see this my last will and testament performed, and my will is 
that they continue my said estate belonging to my sons till they come 
to the age of 21 in their custody, allowing them what they shall judge 
necessary, but if in case they shall have occasion of said estate, and 
my said executors approve and think proper to pay it them, as my 
executors shall think convenient and most for their advantage. In 
witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal the day and 
year above written. 

Sarah Slnclare. [ Seal 

Signed, sealed and delivered in the presence of us, where no stamped 
paper is to be had, being the last will and testament of the subscriber 

Samuel Bltcher. 
Thomas Hubbard. 
Egbert Carye. 


The accounts of the bazar and the three towns for the month of 

July 17th. ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ brought in ^d passed, the balance 

being Rs. 1,045-0-11. 

391.— arrival of governor weltden. 
They receive a letter in the evening from the Hon'ble Antony 
July 18th. Weltden, telling them that he had just arrived at 

Balasor from England, being sent out by the 
Company to be Governor and President of the Council, over their affairs 
in Bengal. The Council sent off a letter in reply at once congratu- 
lating him on his safe arrival. The bearer of the letter was one of the 
Council, Mr. Blount, who was to take down various " conveneinces " 
and the like for the new President and his family. 

In the afternoon some of the Council and several of the Company's 
Jul 19th servants went down the river to meet the new 



" This evening arrived the Hon'ble Antony Weltden, Esq., who 
Jul 20th, ^^^ ^®^ ^^ ^^^ landing by most of the Europeans 

in town, and the natives in such crowds that was 
difficult to pass to the fort, where he was conducted by the Worshipful 
John Eussell, and Abraham Adams, Esq., and the Council. The 
packet was opened and the commission read. After which the usual 
ceremony given on such occasions by firing guns and the keys of the 
Fort delivered." 


"The President having read his commission, the general letter 
Th da Jul 20tii ^^^ Opened, which commission and said letter 
did appoint the Government of this place as 
follows : — 

The Hon'ble Antony Weltden, Esq.,^ President and Governor, 
Messrs. Robert Hedges, Ealph Sheldon, John Russell, Abraham 
Adams, Edward Pattle, Jos. Ohitty, William Bugden and John 
Calvert; to be of the Council, and in case of mortality to elect 
Messrs. Plount and Love, and after them the next in seniority to 
succeed without favour or aSeetion." 

" Mr. Sheldon being dead, agreed Mr. Blount be taken into 

" Ordered the two late ChairmeD, Messrs. John Russell and Abraham 
Adams (it being now late), do deliver to the Hon'ble President the 
balance of the Company's running cash to-morrow morning at which 
time the Council are agreed to meet again more fully to look over our 
Hon'ble Master's orders and instructions." 

At this morning's Council there were pre- 

July 21st. 


The Hon. Ant. Weltden, 

John Russell. 
Abraham Adams. 

Edwt. Pattle. 
Jos. Chitty. 
John Calvert. 
Samuel Blount. 

The Chairmen delivered up the Company's running cash to the 
President, the amount of balance being Rs. 29,469-13-6. 

1 Apparently the usage at this time was to give the President alone the title Esquire ; 
the second in Council is styled Afr., or sometimes all the other Members of Council are so 
styled. Similarly, the President alone is styled the JTon'Me; but the second in Council is 
sometimes styled the Worshipful. Hero the two Joint-Chairmen are called <A« Worshipfid, 
See also the list of the Old Company's sci-vants on page 17. 


"Agreed that the Council be stationed as follows:— 

The Hon'ble President and Grovemor — Cash-keeper. 

Mr. Hedges (on his arrival) to be the Chief of Cassimbazar 

John Russell ... Book-keeper. 
Abraham Adams ... Export Warehouse-keeper. 
Edward Pattle ... Import Warehouse-keeper. 
Josiah Chitty ... Buxie. 
John Calvert ... Jemindar. 
Samuel Blount . . . Secretary." 


" The Company's writers which came out on ship King William 
GraUey were all sent for and produced their 
counterpart of their indenture. They were 
stationed as follows:— 

John Barker ... Assistant to Export Warehouse-keeper. 
George Weslyd ... Buxie's Assistant. 
Henry Clare ... Under the Grovemor. 

. Charles Hampton .. . Accompt. Office. 
William Spinks ... Ditto. 

James Tokefield ... Secretary's Office.'* 


" The indisposition of some of the gentlemen belonging to the 
Court of Justice having prevented, their sitting 
for some time, agreed that others be chosen 

(viz.) Messrs. Edward Pattle, Josiah Chitty, John Calvert, and that 

Mr. William Spencer be register." 


" Ordered that Mr. Edward Pattle, the Import Warehouse-keeper, 
deliver Captain Woodville six pieces red and one 

July 31st. . Ill TT1 

piece blue broadcloth to clothe the soldiers and 
that he pay the same." 


The accounts of the revenues for the bazar and three towns for the 
month of June last were brought in and passed 

July 31st. , 1 -I 1 

the balance being Es. 1,129. 

z 2 


397.— DEATH OP Mr. LOVJi. 

Mr. Love "being ill desires his discharge from the Company's service 

and leave to go to England on one of the Corn- 
August 15th. , . 

pany s vessels ; this was granted him, but he 

became rapidly worse and could not go, and died at Calcutta on Sep- 
tember 2nd. 


" The Fort being very much choaked up and close set with trees 

and small country thatched houses and standinsr 
August 17th. , . X. , . , ,.-,,. , 

pools of stmkmg water, which having maturely 

considered, we are of opinion that clearing them away and filling the 

holes to level ground will contribute very much to the making of the 

town wholesome and healthful." 

" Therefore re-order the Buxie to open the way directly before the 

Fort, continuing the present walk already made further into the open 

field filling up all the holes and cutting small trenches on each side to 

carry the water clear from the adjacent places into the large drains." 

399.-OLD PLATE. 

*' There being among the Hon'ble Company's House plate belonging 

to this factory, the greatest part very old, broken, 

and useless, ordered an exact account be taken of 

the weight, and that part of it be melted down and made into more 

useful utensils for the ser\'ice of the table." 


" Mr. Isaak Berkley havjng complained that Captain Payton de- 
tained a slave belonging to him. Captain Payton 
was sent for and declared that Mr. Berkley had in 
like manner had a slave belonging to him ; therefore 'tis agreed that 
Mr. Berkley deliver Captain Payton his slave by name Barbara, and 
that he return Mr. Berkley his slave by name Lucretia." 


" There being in the Company's store-house a quantity of rice which 

is in a decaying condition, and rice being very 

scarce among the inhabitants of this place, order 

the Buxie \_BaJchshl] to dispose thereof at 1 maund 10 seers per rupee, 

and when the new rice comes in buy up more for a store and to 

upply the coasts." 



Mr, Robert Hedges arrived in Calcutta, also five covenant servants, 
two merchants and three writers. Mr. Hedges 
took his place as second in Council. 

Augvist 29th. 


Mr. Mathew Delgardno, son of Mr. Alexander Delgardno, is 
received as one of the Company's writers : he 

September 4th. . . , i • .i c . , ^ , 

is to be employed m the feecretary s office and 
to receive the customary salary of five pounds per annum. 


"Mr. John Calvert, jemindar [zamlnddr'], brought in an accoimt of 
the charges of houses pulled, removed, and 

September 4th. ^■, ■, ■, , •, ^ ■, ■ 

pulled down, to clear the new way now making, 
amounting to Rs. 109-14. Ordered that the Buxie pay the same. ' 


The Faujdar of Hugli comes to return a former visit. " Resolved 
that we treat him with all the respect and civiliiy 

September lOth and 11th. . '^ '' 

due to him on this occasion and prepare a present 
for him suitable to his quality." 


The July accounts of the bazar and the three 

September 15th. i i i i i . -i-k , r. 

towns were passed, the balance being Rs. 1,431-4-5. 


" Mr. James Love, lately deceased, had a garden and small house, 
which lies very convenient for the Company's 

September 15th. , ^ 

use. Resolved we purchase the same for the 


Mr. "William Spencer and one of the Company's writers are sent to 
Hueli, with orders to repair the Company's house 

September 25th. ° ..... 

there and remain m it till further orders from 
tbe Council. 


The Council decides the case of the oflBcers and men on board one of 
their ships who refused to obey their Captain on 

October 2nd. c i • i i 

account of his brutal treatment of them. The 
Council seem to have thought the officers and men in fault; but if 


they were punished and sent away from the ship, it would be impossible 
to man the ships again in Calcutta. Hence they resolved to compromise 
the matter. All the ofifieers and men agreed to go on board again if the 
Captain would give his word to treat them better. The only man who 
held out was the second mate, who was ordered to be kept a prisoner in 
the Fort until he coidd be sent to England. 


Soldiers are sent up to meet the Patna Fleet and bring it safely to 
October 26th. Calcutta. 


"The Governor of Hugli advised us the beginning of last week 
that he had received a favourable letter from 

November oth. -n i r -n i • i i t-i 

Furuckseer [Farrukhsiyarj, the present Em- 
peror's grandson at Eojamahal, with a surpaw [sat'-o-pd] for the 
Hon'ble President, which he desires might be delivered at Hugli. 
Therefore on Wednesday last the Hon'ble President, accompanied 
by Messrs. Hedges, Cbitty, Blount, and several others, went up and 
paid the Nabob a visit, and (the President) received the surpaw and 
letter with a fine horse of Rs. 1,000 value and returned again on 

"When the Council had read the letter from the Prince, which was 
very favourable, they agreed to write to the Prince, and send him a 
present, as he is the son of the favourite son of the Emperor and might 
therefore help them procure a farm an. 


The accounts for the bazar and the three towns for the months of 

August and September were brought in and 
November 9th. ° • a -n 

passed, the balance being, August, Es. 988-5-4, 

September, Es. 1,415-11-2. 


"Mrs. Cary, widow, having made application to us for relief, being 
very poor and needy, ordered the Minister and 
Church Wardens pay her Es. 30 monthly for her 
subsistence, and to Mrs. Dorothy King (widow) Es. 20 per month, and 
for the future that they shall give no stated allowance or maintenance to 
any other poor person without the consent of the Hon'ble President 
and Council." 







January sisi, 1703-4. At a consultation present : — 

The Hon'ble John Beard, Esq. ... Presidt. 
Mr. Ralph Sheldon. 
„ John Rtissell. 
„ Edward Pattle. 

Messrs. Hedges, Sheldon and Counoill for. the United Trade 
signifying their readrness to receive charge of the Garrison and the 
United Dead-Stock, order'd that it be deliver'd them this inomiDg, and 
that all the soldiers, servants, and inhabitants be summoned, which, 
was accordingly done, they also signifying their intention to proceed 
for Hugly to receive the Dead- Stock of that Factory, when done, that 
they shall acquaint the Moors Grovemment that they are to manage the 
afiairs of the English in Bengali, and if we had anything to offer thereon 
for the benefit of the Old Company that they were willing to prosecute 
it, conformable to their orders. We have therefore thought fit to give 
them the following Memoir in relation to their making application 
to the Government, and that they would take particular care of the Old 
Company's afEairs, not to detriment them in anything whatever. 


To Messrs. Robert Hedges and Ralph Sheldon and the rest of the 
Councill for the management of the United Trade — 

Gentlemen — 'Tis our opinion that you be not over-hasty to go to the 
Government but let each Company's Vacqll. give answer when they 

1 Old Company's Diary, 1703-4. 


are askt that the two Company s are joyn'd and the business to be done 
in Calcutta that all priviledges granted to either party is now become 
the United, and the affairs of this shipping is left to the Couucills of 
both. Expecting a President to be instituted by next shipping which 
we expect to arrive in three or four months, and their seal is to be 
order'd with the Company's inscription for their dusticks and passports 
which shall be sent them with the Vacqll. who is alone to tend the 
Durbar, least by other appKcation each affair may be embroiled. 

Vera Copia. 

John Calvert, Secy. 


The Secretary paid into the Eight Hon'ble Company's cash, viz. 

Charles King for a license to keep a public 

12th April, 1704, Wed- houso of entertainment one hundred and fifty 

nesday. •' 

To two-thirds of a pass to ship St. Martin^ burthen one hundred 
tons, belonging to Cojah Matroos, bound for Acheen, Francisco Newins, 
master, the sum of ten rupees. To two-thirds of a pass to ship 
Bomencej burthen two hundred and seventy tons, belonging to Mahmood 
Tuckee, bound for Grombroon, the sum of fourteen rupees. To tonnage 
of ship Monsoon J one hundred and thirty rupees, and two-thirds of a 
pass, ten rupees, belonging to the Hon'ble President bound for Gom- 
broon, Captain Child, Commander. To two-thirds of a pass to ship 
Tawockallj burthen one hundred and fifty tons, belonging to Allie 
Rajah, bound to Persia, ten rupees. To tonnage of ship Cotnmerce, 
burthen fifty tons, fifty rupees, and two-thirds of a pass, ten rupees, 
belonging to the Hon'ble President, Benjn. Hemming, Master, bound 
for Madras, in all three hundred eighty-four rupees. 


A List of PylotUj Masters, Seamen and Lascars, belonging to the 
Company^ Vessels (viz.) 

April 16th, 1704. 

Es. A. p. Es, A. p. 

Stephen Shaw •#• ••• ••■ 

JohnEainbow ... ... ... 45 

- 90 

1 Old Company s Diary, 1704-5. 

2 Diary of the United Trade Council, 1704. 




Es. A. p. Es. A. V 


















Thomas Harris, reserved in pay to send him 
when the season permitts in a sloop for 
Madras ... ... ••• ••• 

London Yacht. 

Thomas Morris [blaster] 

Timothy Kissum [Boatswain] 

Eichard Dean 

1 Tindell 

7 Lascars ... .~ ..• ». 

Mary Buoyer. 

John Mander [Master] 
Thomas Holbridge [Boatswain] 
Daniel! "Wilkinson 
1 Tindell ... 
10 Lascars ... 

Sloop Kassimhazar. 

Josia Townsend [Master] 

Daniell Holsteu [Boatswain] 

Titus Oakes ... 

1 Tindell 

9 Lascars ... .t« .m 

Bising Sun, 1 TindeU and 2 Lascars, | pay 

William, Smack, „ „ \ „ 

Charles and B&tty, „ „ ^ „ 

Phillip Finch at Es. 12 per month ... 

Captain Fincli Reddall, Coaimander of the Samuel and Amui, com- 

July 20ai, 1704. 







plaining that last night his third mate, William 
Harriot, and his cooper, Richard Nicolls, were 
assaulted in the highway by some Blackmen, that Harriot got oS with 
little hurt, but that NicoUs was barbarously mangled, his leg broke and 

1 Diaiy of the United Trade Council, 1701. 


his wound so desparate that his discovery [? recovery] is dispared of, 
on which we thought necessary to make what enquiry we could into 
the matter. 


Nathll. Jones, boatswain of the Sloop William^ Richd. Dean, a 
sailor ahoard the sloops, and James Harris, late a soldier, appeared 
as witnesses. Harriot declares that about midnight or a little after, he 
together with Richd. NicoUs were going from King's punch-house, 
and near James Harris his house, he saw an old man sitting without 
his door, and they sat down by them to enquire if any of the shipsmen 
were [Pthere], but not hearing of any they rose to go away, but had 
not gone far before they were assaulted by four men, three of which 
were armed with swords and -staves, thus much he said. Nathll. 
Jones and Richard Dean declare that they were in bed at James Harris 
his house, they heard a noise of quarrelling in the street, and went to see 
what the matter was. When they were out they heard Nicolls groan 
and call out he was murdered ; they also saw five men striking at 
NiooUs as he lay on the ground unable to rise. 

They both say Assuria was one that assaulted Nicolls by calling 
and bidding them strike him, also that WoojoUe ['Uj 'Ali] was in 
company with a club in his hand, but neither of them saw him strike, 
also that Janne [Jam], a peon, not taken, was one of them that struck 
him. Richd. Dean says that AbduUreaheen ['Abdu-r-Rahim] was 
among them, and he saw him strike Nicolk as he lay on the ground. 

Jeronima says he saw and knew Janne (not yet taken) also AbduU- 
reaheen armed and strike Nicolls ; he also saw Woojolle with a staff 
in his hand, but did not see that struck. 

Woojolle testifies that he saw Assuria and Janne strike Nicolls as 
he lay on the ground. 

James Harris declares that he had been abroad, and was returning 
between twelve and one a clock to bis house, but near his own house 
he mett three men, two of which were armed with clubs, and the other 
with a lance, but he did not see their faces bo as to know them. The 
man with the lance knockt with the end of his lance at the door of 
LoUen's [Nalin's] house to call people out, Harris was not long within 
his doors before he heard the noise of quarrelling, and an English voice 
call out saying ' Lord ! Lord ! I am murdered,' on which he went to 
the Banksaul not far from his house to call for assistance. On the 


arrival of which the assaulters ran severall ways, escaped, leaving Nicolls 
with a broken leg and very much bound and wounded. 

Jones and Dean further say that Janne called for ropes and sayed 
he would cut Nicolls in pieces, then bind and carry him to the 
Governor at Hugly. 

Jones says that when he saw Nicolls lie on the ground, as he 
thought he was dead, he desired the fellows rather to strike himself than 
to add more blows to the man they had so much abused already, and 
they struck at him, but before Jones got any harm, assistance came 
from the Banksaul which frighted the rogues, so each man ran a several 
way and escaped being taken at that time. The old man at whose door 
Harriot and Nicolls sat down by him is AUabux ['All Bakhsh], the 
father of Abdullreahee, and he was the beginner and fomenter of the 
assault. Ordered that Allabux, Assuria Abdullreaheen, and Doud 
[Dasd] be kept in safe custody. 

Examination of Jam. 

Jannee, the peon, yesterday accused of being a principal actor in the 
assault of Richd. Nicolls, was last night taken 

July 21st. , - . . ° 

and now brought on his examination. Richard 
Dean knows him to be one he saw very active in striking Nicolls 
when down for dead. 

Nathll. Jones also knows him, and says he is the man that struck 
at himself when he endeavoured to perswade him to forbear striking 

WoojoUe, a Moor, also knows him, and saw him. strike Nicolls. 
Jeronima says he saw Janne strike Nicolls on the breast as if he 
designed to kill him. 

Ordered that Janne, Allabux, Assuria and Abdullreaheen be secured 
in irons; but Doud be secured without irons. 


Mr. Jonan. White, second of this place, deceased the 23rd Januaty 
last, enquirey was made whither any will was 

November 14th, 1704. ■, o i i • i , • , 

left behmd to appoint any person or persons 
to look after his affairs, and none being found his WTife was advised 
to take letters of administration out of the Court of Admiralty at 
Fort St. George. But there being a paper wrote with his own hand, 
as very weU known to us, but without date interlin'd nor firm'd or 

1 Old Company's Diary, 1703-4. 


seal'd, the executors mentioned would not act, however, we thought 
fit to have it enter'd next to this consultation. 


In the name of Grod, Amen. I, Jonan. White, now residing in 
Calcutta in Bengali, Factor to the Rt. Hon'ble. Company of Mer- 
chants of London, trading to the East Indies being at the writing 
hereof in health of body and sound memory, but considering the 
uncertainty of this mortall life doe make this my last will and testa- 
ment in manner following, revoking all other wiUs by me heretofore 
made. And first and principally I recommed my soul into the hands 
of Almighty God, my heavenly father and Jesus Christ His only son, 
my blessed saviour and redeemer, trusting by and through his meritts, 
death, and passion to obtain everlasting life, my body I commit to the 
earth, to be decently buried at the discretion of any executors hereafter 
naihed, and for the worldly estate it has pleased God to bless me with 
I give and devise and bequeath the same as follows. 

First my will and mind is I doe hereby give and bequeath unto my 
brother William White as a legacy the sum of two thousand rupees 
currt. of Bengali. 

Item. — I give and bequeath unto my sister Elizabeth King the sume 
of one hundred current rupees, and to brother John King, her husband, 
the adventure sent in his hands to Mocha and the profits thereof. 

I(em.—1 give unto sister Elizabeth Bowridge, her daughter Elizabeth, 
and sister Elizabeth Meverell each fifty rupees to buy them rings. 

Jtem. — I give and bequeath unto Mrs. Boyd forty rupees. 

Item. — I give and bequeath unto the Hon'ble John Board, Mr. 
Ealph Sheldon, Mr. Benjamin Adams, and Mr. Thomas Wright 
of Fort St. George a ring of fifty rupees a piece, and Mr. Samuel 
Feake of Bengali one hundred rupees. 

Item. — I give and bequeath unto my uncle Abraham Spooner, 
couzin Richard Glover, and his lady, couzin John Hungerford, Esq., 
and his lady, each rings of twelve rupees vallue a piece. 

Item. — I desire and appoint the Hon'ble John Beard, Presidt., 
and Ralph Sheldon of Coimcill for the Right Honourable Company's 
affairs in Bengali, to be the executors of this my last will and 

Item. — I will and appoint that my body be interr'd near my late wife 
in her Father's Q^oomb, and that a Toombstone of about one yard 
square be engraved in the usuall manner and sett up in said toomb. 


Item. — I give unto my servants, Killeram, Annuntram Siddo, 
Chunee, Beatrice, and Maria my former slaves each twenty rupees. 

Item. — I give and bequeath unto my Trife the other one Third 
part of all my personal! estate that shall be found to remain and 
appertain unto me after the discharge of my just debts, &c., as above 
said, includuig therein the house, household necessarys, plate and 
Jewells and pallankeen that she may be desirous to possess, which shall 
therefore be estimated by my executors. 

Item. — I give, devise, and bequeath unto my daughter two-thirds of 
all such estate (debts, legacies and funeral charges being deducted) as 
I shall at the time of my death dye seiz'd or possessed of, interested in 
or entitled unto. 

Hem. — If it please God to give my wife a safe delivery of a child 
my intent and meaning is and I doe hereby devise and bequeath unto 
the said child one-third part of all my estate, that is to say, the moiety 
or half part of what bequeathed my daughter Katherine, and if either 
happen to decease during their minority or nonage the moiety or 
portion thus bequeathed shall descend to the survivor. 

Item. — My will and request is that my daughter Katherine be sent, 
for England for education with good attendance and provision for soe 
tender an infant the voyage, and that the executors accept of soe good 
an opportunity to accompany her aunt Bowridge if she goes for 
England in two years time, otherwise that the child goe by such good 
commanders of a ship as my executors shaU see fitting, and then if it 
please God the child arrive in England is to be committed to my 
couzin Mary Hungerford and my brother, to whose care and guardian- 
ship joyntly with my brother William White I recommend the child 
during her nonage. 

Vera Copia. 

John Calvert, Sedy. 


Application by John Curgenten. 

** Eeceived a letter from Mr. John Curgenven desiring we would write 
to his sister to suffer him to inspect his deceased 
brothers books and papers of accounts, etc." 

" Wrote a letter to Mrs. Rachell Curgenven, desiring her to comply 
with her brother's desire." 

' Diary of the United Trade Council, 1705 -Sae also pp. 20-3, 373. 

352 FOKT WILLIAM, MAY 1705. 

Rachel Curgenven's complaint. 

MrSi Racliell Curgenven, the widdow of |Mr. Thomas Curgenven 
deceased, making complaint to us about five of the 

May 23rd. . 

clock of the evening that the house she lives in, 
and particularly her bed chamber, was forcibly entered and all her 
clothes and necessaries taken out by Mr. John Curgenven, brother of 
the deceased Mr. Tho® Curgenven, assisted by Mr. John Calvert and 
Mr. Hichard Smith. The complaint first reaching Mr. Ben. Bow- 
cher he went, and quickly after him Mr. Robert Hedges went to 
Mrs. Curgenven's house, where Mr. John Curgenven, Mr. John Calvert, 
and Mr. Kichard Smith aforesaid were, Mr. Calvert said nothing at that 
time, but Mr. Curgenven and Mr. Smith stood on the justification of 
what was done, they lockt and sealed a chamber door in which they 
said all that Mr. Curgenven had seized was put, and Mr. Hedges ordered 
two soldiers to wait in the house and see nothing be removed tiU the 
Council meet and direct what is to be done. And being now mett, 'tis 
unanimously agreed and ordered that Mr. John Curgenven, Mr. Jno. 
Calvert, and Mr. Eich*^ Smith be immediately sent for and examined 
about the same. 

John Curgenven^ statement. 

Mr. John Curgenven being first called for says, in justification of 
himself, that he had applyed himself to us for justice which he thought 
we delayed, therefore would right himself, which obliges us to insert the 
application he speaks of and 'tis in substance as follows. — Mr. John Cur- 
genven in a letter dated and deliv'd to us in Councill on Thursday 17th 
curr% desires his sister may be informed that he has as much power as 
she and perswaded to have the books of his brother and her deceased 
husband made up and to give him an account of what she had already 
disposed of, and that Councill did the same day, in complyance with his 
request, write to Mrs. Eachell Curgenven, declaring he ought to have 
the inspection of the books of accounts and all papers whatsoever relat- 
ing to the estate of her deceased husband, and she ought to give him a 
satisfactory account of whatsoever goods she had disposed of, of the 
estate of her deceased husband, which was all he seemed to desire at 
that time. 

We expected an answer from her, but he being impatient, could not 
wait a day or two longer till her answer came, but violently seiz'd on 
evervthing in her possession, as is before related. 

FORT WILLIAM, MAY 1705. 353 

Richard Smith's statement. 

Mr. Smith being next called in says Mr. Curgenven oall'd him to 
take account of and wittness what he removed, but both Mr. Hedges 
and Mr. Bowcher do testifie he was very active in couneilling Mr. Cur- 
genven ; for instance he said he ought to let her have more wearing 
cloathes out of the chest, but nothing else. Mr. Bowcher also testi- 
fies, and so does Mr. Ralph Woodriffe, that they saw Mr. John Cur- 
genven force open the door of Mrs. Curgenven's bed-chamber, which 
they believe was lock'd being close shut and a spring look on it, but 
Mr. Smith affirming the contrary, Mr. Hedges caused the door to be 
lock'd to try if it could be forced open without breaking the door or 
lock, and was twice forced open without breaking either. Mr. Smith 
spoke reflectingly on us all, saying we were friends of the widdow and 
not to justice, but he reflected most on the widdow, telling Mr. Bow- 
cher if he believed her, nobody would beheve him, and he called her 
a notorious lyar with much more such ungenteal expressions. He at 
last told us he would not answer us to any more questions till we were a 
full Councill. 

John Calverfs statement. 

Mr. John Calvert was called in. He says Mr. John Curgenven 
desired him to go with him to be a witness, but he absolutely refuses to 
answer further till a full Councill meets. 

Let us tcait for a full Councill. 

On the consideration of all which 'tis resolved and unanimously 
agreed, that Mr. Bowcher and Mr. Edw*^ Battle do take Mr. John 
Curgenven with them, also Mr. James Williamson and Mr. Ealph 
Emes for witnesses, and in their presence, take an account of all they 
find of what Mr. Curgenven seized on, and after that account is taken 
and attested by the witnesses present, they are to deliver to Mrs. Rachell 
Curgenven, her wearing clothes and such other necessaries as she has 
present occasion for. 

Ordered that further consideration of this matter be deferr'd till the 
rest of the Councill oome from Hugly, or at least till a majority is 

John Curgenven obstructive. 
Messrs. Bowcher and Battle, as ordered in yesterday's eonsultatioa, 
„ „,^^ sent for Mr. Jno. Curgenven and desired him to 

May 24tD. • 1 -L 

go along with them to take an account of the 

A A 

854& FORT WILLIAM, JUKE 1705. 

goods he had seized, but he declared he would not pei-mitt them to open 
tlie door or take an account of anything. 

Full Councill. 

Mrs. Curgenven's letter to the Councill being before us, the person, 
accused were sent for and examined. Their exami- 
nations are annexed to this consultation, and consi- 
dering that the widdow has been abused, for her present satisfaction 'tis 
thought fit that Mr. John Curgenven, in the presence of Mr. Ben. Bow- 
cher and Mr. Edw. Pattle, do deKver the plate and goods taken out of 
her bed-chamber into the said bed-chamber again, into her possessions 
according to the list already taken, and that she deliver up the books 
and all papers relating to Mr. Curgenven's estate, into their possession, to 
be seal'd up in Mr. Curgenven's scrutore till persons are agreed on and 
appointed to adjust the said Curgenven's books, by which all things may 
be cleared and the account of what goods belonging to said Curgenven's 
estate in said house be taken by them and that she as speedily as possible, 
do deliver into the CouncHl an exact account of everything she has dis- 
posed of belonging to the said Curgenven's estate, that the said account 
may be delivered John Curgenven for satisfaction according to his 
former application and that Mrs. Curgenven is askt immediately on deli- 
very of each chest or scrutore whether she has rec^ the contents of 
each, and if she makes exceptions, that then they immediately overlook 
such chest or scrutore, and take a particular account of everything 
therein, and when the whole is delivered, she is to acknowledge the 
same for a discharge to said Curgenven, but in the case she makes 
exceptions of want of anything of value, that she will not give the 
said Curgenven a discharge for the whole taken away, then the goods 
are to be kept entire, as they are and not to be deliver'd her till farther 


Widoio Curgencens Idler, 

To the Hon''^° Councill for affairs to the United Eng^ East India 
Compy in Fort William, Bengali. 

I suppose by this time you have all heard the story I am going to 
relate, but because 'tis fitt you should bo acquainted with all the circum- 
Btances of it, and especially from me, who am the sufferer in it, be 
pleased to take it as follows, viz*^ : — 

On Wednesday about 4 in the afternoon, being in the house of my 
deceased husband Mr. Tho. Curgenven, and in my bed-chamber, Mr. Jno, 


Curgenven, together with Mr. John Calvert and Rich** Smith, came into 
my said bed-chamber, and then and there the aforesaid John Curgenven 
demanded of me the^keys of all my chests, boxes, scrutories, for that he 
Baid he must take an account of all that I had. I knew of no authority 
that obliged one to satisfy such unreasonable demands, so reftised bfrn 
the keys, upon which Mr. Calvert and Mr. Smith told me they had an 
order to remove all my goods into my brother's possession ; that I must 
not think it hard, he must have the use and possession of them scince 
I had enjoyed them so long, so to work they went as fast as they could 
to remove my goods. I desired them to forbear till I could get Mr. 
Bowcher or somebody to take an account of what they carried away, but 
finding nothing would prevail, I made all the resistance I was able. 
But the aforesaid John Curgenven with a naked sword in his hand 
pointed to my breast, uttering several horrid oaths, said that if I touch'd 
or meddled with anything or call'd anybody to my assistance he 
would stab me, and if Mr. Bowcher came into the house, he would run 
him through. Upon this I went to Mr. Bowcher and beg'd him for 
God's sake to come and see how barbarously I was used. By that time 
I came back, they had conveyed away all my plate, jewels, ready money, 
bon'is, bills, and other writings, to a great amount, almost most part of 
my other household goods, insomuch that scarce anything was left me 
in my bedchamber except a chest of drawers lq which my clothes lay. 
Upon Mr. Bowcher coming, my brother and he having some dispute, 
I got possession of my bed-chamber and lock'd the doors in hopes keep- 
ing my wearing apparell, but John Curgenven soon broke open my 
door and took hold of my chest of drawers, and because I opposed bim 
carrying of it away, laid violent hands on me and gave me such a blow 
with his fist as almost beat me backwards, at the same time threatening 
with a horrid imprecation if I touched anything he would beat my brains 
out ; after this they lock'd up the door of my bed-chamber, so that I was 
forc'd to be beholden to a neighbour for a lodging that night and ever 
since, otherwise must have lain in the street. Thus I have been robb'd 
of all I had in the house, and not only so, but have been violently 
assaulted and put in fear of my life. 

Gen* I have barely related matter of fact, and that I have done 
without the least aggravation sev" gen* in this place will bear me 
wittness. These are crimes, gent^ of such a nature and consequence, and 
call so loudly for justice, that I can't in the least question that you, who 
by virtue of a charier from the Queen of England, have taken upon you 

AA 2 

866 roKT WILLIAM, JUNE 1705. 

the civill government of this place, will do me the Justice which I have 
a right too by the laws of our Native Country. 

I am gen* yo'" obliged servant, 
Ea. Curgknven. 
Calcutta, May 26th, 1705. 

Examination of John Ciirgenvcn. 

Mr. John Gurgenven being examined by Mrs. Ra. Curgenven's 
letter, his answer thereto is as follows, viz'' : — He acknowledges he 
demanded the keys (as the widdow mentions) in presence of Calvert & 
Smith, and she refused them. 

He denies that Smith and Calvert spoke to the widdow that they 
had orders to take her goods and give them into his possession. 

He says that he himself, or by his orders the Cooleys, removed the 
goods out of her bed-chamber into another room. He farther says his 
sister only said he should not remove them but that she would send for 
Mr. Bowcher. 

He denys that he ever threatened his sister with a naked sword or 
presented it to her breast, or that he ever thieattned Mr. Bowcher to 
run him through. He acknowledges that he removed some plate, sev^' 
chests, and any jewels, bonds, or ready money. 

He says that after Mr. Bowcher came into the house, she went into 
the bed-chamber with one slave wench, and he finding the door shutting 
too, he set his foot against it, and forc't it open, & he acknowledges he 
took the chest of drawers and sev" other things and put them into the 
chamber aforesaid. 

He denies that ever he set violent hands on her or struck her a 
blow, or ever he threatened to beat her brains out, with any horrid 

He says he lockt the door within side and went through another 
chamber and lockt the outward door, but had not the key of her bed- 

Mr. Curgenven was askt the following question, viz*^ — 

Q. — Who counselled you to remove the goods ? 

A. — 'Twas on my own head and my own act. 

Q. — By what authority or by whose instigation did you seize and 
take away the goods out of your sister's room ? 

A. — 'Twas to secure myself, but had not any authority, nor was 
I persuaded thereto. 


Q. — Were not the books in jour possession or where you could come 
at them when you wrote to the Councill about getting the accounts, ect., 
adjusted ? 

A. — I could come at them then. 

Examination of John Cahert. 

!Mr, John Calvert being examined by Mrs. Ea. Curgenven's letter, 
his answer thereto is as follows, viz** : — He says he was not in her bed- 
chamber when Mr. Curgenven demanded the keys of her chest, ect., 
but that he heard him demand them and said he came to take an account 
of all she had, but she denied him the keys. 

He denies that ever he told her he had orders to put all her goods 
into her brother's possession. 

He says he never heard her say she desired him or them to stay till 
Mr. Bowcher came to take an account of what they carried away. 

He denies that he ever heard John Curgenven threaten to stab her 
or saw him present a naked sword at her breast, or that he said if 
Mr. Bowcher came he would run him through. 

He also says he saw no jewels, ready money, bonds, bills, or other 
writings, carried away, only some plate, chests, ect., contents not knowa 
and put them into another room in the same house. 

He says he cannot be positive whether the door was lockt or n )t, 
but Mr. Curgenven hearing the door shutting too, turned abo* set his 
foot against it and pushed it open, a slave wench standing behind at the 
same time. 

He also says that he did not see Mr. Curgenven strike her or lay 
hands on her or use any imprecations, saying he would beat out her 

Mr. Jno. Calvert was askt the following questions, viz^ : — 

Q. — Why did you go to the hoiise with Mr. Curgenven ? 

A. — At his request to witness what past. 

Q. — Who took an account of the things that were moved ? 

A. — I took an account of everything that was taken out for my 
own satisfaction, being not desired thereto, the chests and scrutores 
not being then open 

Examination of Richard Smith. 

Mr. Smith's answer to Mrs. Curgenven's letter : — He says he was 
in her bed-chamber with Mr. Curgenven and heard him demand the 


keys of lier chests, act., saying he must take an account of all she had, 
she at the same time refusing the keys. 

He says he never assisted or helped any one to remove any goods 
out of lier bed-chamber or elsewhere. 

He never heard her say anything to desire her brother or them to 
stay till Mr. Bowcher or any one came to know or take au account of 
what they carried away. 

He says Mr. Curgenven did not present a sword at her breast, nor 
utter any oaths, that if she called in any one to her assistance, he would 
stab her. Neither did he hear him say that if Mr. Bowcher came into the 
house, he would run him through. He also says he saw no jewels, ready 
money, bonds, bills, or other writings. There was only some plate, chests 
and scrutores being not opened, which were carried out of her bed- 
chamber and put into another chamber in the same house. 

He says that the widdow with her slave wench went into the room 
after Mr. Bowcher came there, her slave wench shutting the door. 
Mr. Curgenven sett his foot against the door and forced it open, but he 
knows not certainly whether the door was lockt or not, but to what he 
saw he thought it might not be lockt. 

He says he never saw Mr. Jno. Curgenven strike her or lay violent 
hands upon her, or threaten her with any imprecations to beat her brains 
out if she toucht anything. 

Mr. Smith was askt the following questions: — 

Q. — Why did you go to the house with Mr. Curgenven ? 

A. — It was at his request, that I might see what past that there 
might be nothing more laid to his charge than he really did. 

Q. — Did you take an account of any goods that were removed or 
attested that an account was taken ? 

A. — I took no account myself, but witnessed the account that was 
taken and saw 'twas right. 

Jilrs. Curgenven put in possession. 

Mr. John Curgenven being called and desired to go with Mr. Bow- 
cher and Mr. Pattle & deliver the goods back into 
the possession of Mrs. Ea. Curgenven which he 
irregularly seiz'd and took from her, he seemed resolv'd to stand on his 
own justification & not deliver back anything. 'Tis therefore unani- 
mously agreed & ordered that Mr. Eob' Nightingale and Mr. Edward 
Pattle do put her in possession as last consultation ordered, tho' 
Mr. Curgenven should refuse to consent or go with them. 


Mr. Robert Nightingale and Mr. Edward Pnttle according to ordw 
of consultation of this day went to Mrs. EacheU Corgenven's house and 
sent for Mr. John Curgenven to be present at tho delivery of the 
goods (he had seized) to Mrs. Rachell Curgenven. 

John Curgenven still recalcitranf. 
Mrs. EacheU Curgenven relict of Mr. Tho* Curgenven, having, 
2Sth ult. sent us the account of s-oods left in her 

July 2nd. , ° 

possession by her deceased husband, that is to say, 
of what she had disposed of and what still remains with her, the account 
was sent to Mr. John Curgenven, brother of the deceased, by Mj. Pattle, 
Sect"^, but Mr. Curgenven refused to look into it, pretending the Coun- 
cill took the management out of his hands, which we declare we neither 
did nor intended to do, neither did we any action tending to it, 
but his pretence arises from our opposing his seiziug, without any 
reasonable pretence, on everything that she had wherever he could find 
it, not excepting her weadng apparell, and because he might not take the 
violent course that seemed best in his own conceit, resolves not to trouble 
himself with any of the accounts & there being sev" debts due from the 
deceased Tho* Curgenven to the Old Comp'^ Mr. John Johnson deceased 
and others, which are demanded, Mr. John Curgenven was askt whether 
he would give his consent to the dwelling-house of his deceased brother, 
ect. goods & chatties might be sold, in order to the payment of the debts, 
he answered he would have nothing to do, nor give any orders about 
it, but that we might do as we pleased. 

Mrs. Rachell Curgenven having, in a letter delivered to us, 16th of 
this present July, requested that the dwelling-house 
and some merchandize of Mr. Thu^ Curgenven's 
deceased (her late husband), may be sold in order to the payment of 
debts due from the estate of her deceased husband, §he having already 
desired the concurrance of Mr. John Curgenven (Brother of the deceas- 
ed) in writing, & his reply to her that he would give her no answer, 
Mr. John C\irgenven was sent for, who, appearing, was askt whether he 
would consent that the house and merchandize of his said deceased 
brother be sold in order to the discharging debts, and whether ho would 
take any care to appoint anybody to make up the books, to which he 
refused to give any answer, only that we had askt him the same ques- 
tion before, and we knew what he answered then, & he would say no 
more now, which last answer was the second of this last July ; in these 
words, he will have nothing to do nor give any order about it, but that 


we might do as we pleased, that Mr. John Ourgenven might have time 
to consider very well whether he resolves obstinately not to give any 
other answer about the disposall of his deceased brother's house, ect., 
goods, resolved that he be sent for again to answer before us next Mon- 
day or the first day we meet in consultation. 

They dispose of the property in spite of John Curgenven, 

Mr. John Curgenven sent for a third time to know his resolution 
whether he would do anything in the disposing 
of the estate of his deceased brother joyntly with 
his sister, to which he answered as before that he would not concern him- 
self with it. Agreed that since Mr. John Curgenven will not comply 
with his sister for the selling of the house, ect^, clearing his debts, ect., 
depending accounts belonging to the deceased Thomas Ourgenven (not- 
withstanding our perswations [sic] & directions) that we write to Mrs. 
Curgenven a letter advising her to sell the house and dispose of the 
goods, ect., belonging to her deceased husband, in order to pay the black 
merchants and others, adjusting all things in this place relating to said 

It being ordered the 23rd day that Mrs. Eachell Curgenven may 
dispose of the late dwelling-house & other goods 
in her possession of her deceased husband, ordered 
that Mr. Nightingale and Mr. Pattle do take the seal off the scrutore 
containing the writings, which -were sealed up by order in a former con- 
sultation and deliver the same up to her, that she may be able to have all 
accounts relating to the estate of her deceased husband adjusted. 
Money from Mr, Giihfon Addison of Madras. 

A letter from Mrs. Rachell Curgenven, complaining that her brother 
John Curgenven had detained the money in Cap' 
^ ' Bolton's possession that came from Mr. Addison at 

Wrote a letter to Cap' Bolton, Commd"' of the * Loyall Cook,' to 
deliver what money he has brought from Madrass (belonging to the 
estate of Mr. Thomas Curgenven, dec^) to the widdow, Eachel Curgen- 


Mr. Ben. Bowcher having delivered in a paper desiring it may be 
entered in the consultation book, ordered it be 
^^ * ' entered after this consultation. 

1 Diary of the United Trade Council, 1705. 


To the Hon"* Council for affairs 
of the Hon**^* United English 
East India Company. 


Since there has been so many abnses proved in the Black Servants 
with relation to the Revenues of the three Towns and Buzzar under 
my care I should be wanting to myself if I did not say something in 
my own justification, be pleas'd therefore to take the following account. 
Upon my first coming into the United Councill I was appointed Jemi- 
dar and to take care of the Comp'* Eevenues, bat being altogether a 
strano^r to that affair Mr. Sheldon recommended to me two persons, one 
as a gen^ bookeeper and the other as a generall supervisor, and these 
two he told me were able and would give me such an account of aU 
matters as that the Comp^ should not be cheated or imposed upon. I 
then took Mr. Sheldon to be my friend, so I accepted of his offer, but 
not being an absolute master of the Language for my better informa- 
tion I employed a person as a Linguist and ordered the Black fellows 
under me to let him inspect the Books, and be acquainted with all affairs, 
tho' at the same time I took a strict account of the rest also ; thus the 
business to the best of my knowledge went currently and fairly on, and I 
had the more reason to think so because the increase of the revenues is con- 
siderable more than the proportion arising from the new rents amountts 
to ; however it seems there have been abuses comitted, and my Linguist 
has had a hand in them : but pray gentlemen let us trace this matter 
up a little higher, and you will then see r£ it was in my power to prevent 
what has been done, let us examine then upon what terms these two 
creatures of Mr. Sheldons were imployed. The bookeeper purchases his 
place with a bribe of fifty rupees, and who does not see whither this tends, 
this fellow's place could not afford such a bribe iinless he was connived 
at in his Eogueries, and tis plain he was connived at tiU the spleen got 
uppermost I mean above all consideration of justice and honour, 
the other feUow had a task assigned him which looks very odly, he was 
to give Mr. Sheldon an account what money the Comp^ was cheated, 
of, what share he got of it, and how the rest was divided. This feUow 
then was originally designed to have a share in the booty, in order to 
which he must make it his business to tempt others, and my linguist 
among the rest, to be as great rogues as himself, and we are none of us 
ignorant how easily any of these black fellows are tempted to play the 
rogue, well but pray why is Mr. Sheldon to know of these abuses and 
nobody else : why was not the Council acquainted with this matter 


sooner ? If the design had been to servo the Company the sooner the 
discovery had been made the better, for we all know that when these 
black fellows get money into their hands tis a hazard whether 
it be recovered again, and truly tis my opinion we had never 
known but for what I am going to acquaint jou with. The gen" 
bookeeper was grown so impudent as to write letters in my name 
without my knowledge, for which I discharged him about six months 
ago, and tho' I then enquired of all the people, and perticu^arly of 
Nunderam, the gen'^ supervisor, whither they knew of anything he had 
cheated the Comp^ of that so I might take satisf miction before he 
went off, yet I could hear of nothing to charge him with. — The 
other fellow, what with the encouragement he had from others, 
and what with the power was given him by me to enable him to have 
a thorough insight into everything, grew so insolent that I could not 
bear with him no longer, so about the begining of this month I dis- 
charged him also, and now out comes all the murder, for the next 
consultation after turning out the last fellow Mr. Sheldon falls upon 
me with all the violence imaginable for having done it without his 
leave, and then he tells you that my Linguist, the Oattwall, and the other 
two which I turned out, together with the Rent gatherers, had cheated 
the Company to the amount of about Us. 3,000, two hundred whereof 
he says the gen^^ supervisor had brought him in severals parcells as 
he shared it with the rest, and Mr. Sheldon says it is in his possession. 
Gentlemen, this is two \_sic] much money for the Comp^ to loose for want 
of timely care to prevent it, and tis to be feared a good part of it will be 
lost. I know not what Mr. Sheldon or others may think of this kind of 
management, but I fancy that when our Hon''^'^ Masters come to know 
that Mr. Sheldon was all along from the begining acquainted with 
those abuses which were carrying on to th«ir prejudice, and never opened 
his mouth about [it] till his spleen came to be moved, and that upon 
so triviall an occasion as the turning out of a Black servant, they will 
give h JTn but little thanks for his pains. If Mr. Sheldon had consulted 
either the interest of our Hon*"^® Masters or his own reputation he 
would have made the Councill privy to those abuses before they were 
gone so f arr, and then he had fairly acquitted himself in doing what was 
reasonable to have been expected from him, but such clandestine prac- 
tices will sooner or latter leave a blot behind them. I shall not go 
about to purge myself from these abuses any further than I have done 
it but I think I have some reason to complain I have* been treated as. if 
I had had a hand in them, upon this discovery Mr. Sheldon desired that 

FORT WILLIAM, 1705 AND 1710. 363 

the goveTnment of the Black people might be taken out of my hands, 
then I am excluded from having any share in examining the informa- 
tion ; tis true I made no opposition to either of these because I "would 
leave them no room to say that while I was in power none would dare 
to inform against me, but still these proceedings are to my dishonour, 
they lessen and disgrace me, and this is all that has been aimed at, for 
the Comp-^* interest had been much better provided for by the way 
of prevention, and I believe if they loce any of the money which they 
have been cheated of they will charge the fault upon him that delayed 
the discovery, when he both could and ought to have made it sooner. 

Gent., the reason why I have chosen to lay these matters before 
you in writing is because of the great disorders that are in our consul- 
tations, I mean our debatts are not free as they ought to be, particularly 
for my own part 1 have seldom or never had a fair hearing among you, 
80 I desire this paper may be entred in the consultation book. 

I am. 
Your most humble servant, 

Ben. Bowcher. 

Fort William, the 2Qth July 1705. 

" Mr. Benj. Bowcher wanting a Banian to serve under him in the 

jemidar's office, agreed that Jaorurdass may be 
August 16th. 1705. 1 ,, 1- •" 1 . . „ ^ 

employed by rum m that set vice. 


Mr. John Calvert, one of the Trustees of Mr. William Bugden, 
deceas'd, presented his last Will and Testament, 
wittnessed by Thomas Woodvill Eichard Acton 
and Tho. Tymme. Mr. Acton being absent the other two were sent 
for and swore that they saw Mr. Wm. Bugden signe, seal, and 
publish his last Will and Testament in their presence, and that they 
wittnessed the same in the presence of each other. 

» Diary of tho United Trade Council, 1710. 



In the name of God, Amen. I, William Bugden, in the service of 
the Hon''!^ United English East India Company in Bengal, being of 
perfect mind and memory, knowing the uncertainty of life and cer- 
tainty of death, do make this my last will and testament in manner 

First I recommend my soul into the hands of the Allmighty God 
that gave it and for my body to be buried in a Christian and decent 
manner as my overseers shall think fitt. Touching such wordly concerns 
were in it has pleased God Almighty to bless me with in this life I give 
and bequeath as follows. I give to Mrs. Eliz'' Turner, my most Hon''^® 
Aunt in England, a gold ring of thirty Shillings valine. I give to Mr. 
James Hunt and wife in England to each a gold ring of twenty 
shillings valine, to Mr. James Taylor a ring of the like, and if married 
to his wife of the same value. To my brother, Mr. Edw Bugden, to his 
wife' Theophila, and my brother Charles, his widdow, Mrs. Cornelia 
Bugden, to each a ring of fifteen shillings value and to each of them 
mourning. The remainder of my estate or what shall be found 
belonging to me I give to the four children of my dec^ brother, 
Mr. Chas. Bugden, to be eaqually divided amongst them, or to the 
survivors, and this to be improved as my trustees shall think fitt for their 
advantage and not to be paid them untill they come to years of discre- 
tion. Lastly I do appoint Mr. John Calvert and Mr. Stephen Shaw to 
be trustees to this my last Will and Testament, and to each of them I 
leave fifty rupees as a legacy, in witnness whereof I have hereunto sett 
my hand and seal. This 11th of March 1709-10. 

William Budgen (Seal). 

Signed, sealed, published, and declared by W™ Bugden to be his 
last Will and Testament in the presence of us, 

Tho. Woodvill. 
KicH^ Acton. 
Tho. Tymme. 

I do attest this to be a true copie of the orign' examined and ent* 
by me. 

S. Blount. 



Fort William in Ben gala ^ 

the 5th of January 1709-10. 

Hon" Sir, 

Upon the recomendations of several persons of quality, members 
of Parliament who have known me for some years, and also of His Grace 
the Duke of Beaufort in a particular manner to Sir Thomas Cook I 
obtained a comison as Lieut"* to comand one of the Companies at 
Benjar, but upon the news of the distraction of the settlement I was 
order'd to Bengala with ouly one serj' and twenty men. The rest 
of my Company, consisting of 104 men, were dispers't to all the 
other factories in India, yet doe not blame any person but my own 
misfortunes in being obliged to part with above 80 brave men 
which were turned over to me by my friends in her Maj^* service. 
On or near the first of May 1708 I was called before their Honn" 
at Skinner's HaU, Mr. Bull then in the chair, who assured me of the 
favour of the Hon^'^ Court, and that they had a due regard to my 
deligenee and industry in raising such a number of men, and the 
care I had in readily obeying all the oiders I had from time to time 
and that as soon as I arrived at Fort "William I should be put at the 
head of a Company as usual in such cases. The Hon^^® Court exprest 
themselves so much in my favour that when I was askt if I would if I 
desire anything more of the Court, I could not make any answer 
for the Hon^^^ Court had assigned me all that my station could 
desire ; and as a farther mark of their favour presented me with 
25 guineas over and above all other equal gratuities, as the Hon"* 
Committee of shipping did £60 more in consideration of my raising 64 
men over and above the 40 1 was obliged to raise. Gentlemen, I must 
confess I had as much favour from the Hon*'^^ Court of Managers as I 
could wish for ; which was the maine encouragement I had to proceed 
Boe long and tedious a voyage, not thinking or doubting of anything but 
the like treatment at Bengali, which I have found to be quite contrary. 
I know that the Board here (I suppose in it to excuse their dl-treating 
of me) have characterized me but indifferently ; their objections I think 
to tedious to answer, only in generallthat I have had the honour to bear 
Lieu"^^ comision in the Q,ueen's service, and think I have had very 

• India Office Records. Unbound Papers (Packet 32.) To go with ranee 446 
Vol. Xr October 1715 to May 1716. 


hard usnage here from a board of gentlemen, when they have not 
ohej'ed the orders and the comision you gave me. Your Honours I 
hope will pardon my plainesse when I acquaint you that I never had 
any command of a company since I have been here ; therefore of conse- 
quence guilty of no fault in my post ; and as to my studdying to please 
any private persons it was never my great care, only in the faithful 
discharge of my duty and the trust of it reposed in me ; and as to my 
capacity I leave it to the world to judge. I can only acquaint your 
Honn""^ that I am suhplanted by those persons that never had any 
comision before the honour of yours. When I first arived at Fort 
William the Councill told me that if I had arived before Capt"" Miners 
I should- have procurred, but as matters were there was but two 
Companies, and desired me to act as Ensign till they could have other 
opertunities to give me a company which I could not but resent, when 
I had your commison as well as your word for the performance of all, 
which was the occasion of all our future diif erences ; for no person can 
believe that the Hon^^® United East India Company will trappan or 
ensnare any gentlemen, but will perform their premisses in everything, 
and that no Englishman can be so base as to act in such a plot, that has 
been Ensign Lieut* and Capf* in Her Maj^^^ service, but would rather 
go to his native country, where he is sure of justice from so many 
Honourable and Worthy gentlemen. I humbly begg pardon for send- 
ing this long letter, and pray your Hon''^ to consider my case and 
to make me full satisfaction for all that I have suffer'd and lost by the 
Company's not performing their promises, and your orders that I 
command an entire company for the future, and to take post of every 
comision if it is not of an older date, I thinking it my right to preceed 
every other person that never had a command in the army, as is 
customary in all such cases, even, in her Majesty's service. Which if 
your Honours will please to grant I will serve you faithfully. If your 
Honn" think me unieasonable I pray to be put for home by the first 

I am, 

your Honn" most humble and 
most obed* servant, 

Fr. Child. 

To the Hon^^® the Court of Managers of the United East India 
Company at the East India House in London. 






Fbom 1702 TO 1710. 


Ship's name. 


By what means. 
























Edw. and Dudley 





Blown up. 







Blown up. 





New George 

















' Reprinted from the Register of Ships of the East India Company by 
Charles Hardy, a rare publication in the India Office Library, 


Season 1708-1709.. 



Ship's name. 












New George 





Loyal Bliss 

Loyal Cook 




S. A. Eice ... 
James Osborne 
Ch. Newman 
Hen. Hudson 
Joseph Tolson 
Eich. Phrypp 
Rort- Hudson 
Jonathan Clarke 
Geo. Littleton 
Jonathan Negus 




Coast and Bay. 

>» 9> 
>) >l 
>> 1> 

1 Bombay and Bene. 
j Bencoolen. 



King William 




St. George 




Stringer Galley 






Abraham Parrot t 
Nicholas Winter 
Humph. Bryant 
Eichard Pumell 
Hugh Eaymond 
Sam Goodman 
Francis S tames 
Daniel Needlrtm 
Henry Cornwall 
Isaac Pyke 
John Blacon 
Edward Godfrey 
Edward Pierson 


Coast and Bay. 


St. Hel. and Bene. 


China and Mocha. 

Surat and Persia. 






Howl and 














Thos. Clapham 
ZacP- Tovey 
Charles Kefar 
George Cooke 
William Upton 
Thos. Beckford 
Edmund Stacey 
Eobeit Hurst 
Thomas Wotton 
John Austin 
Thomas Blow 
Daniel Small 
James Lee 
James Stoakes 
Joseph Tolson 

Coast and Bay. 



China and Mocha. 

Persia and Bom. 

Coast and Bay. 

Madras and Bene. 
St. Hel. and Bene. 

Bombay and Surat. 




The letter-books of Thomas Pitt ^ have been abeady extensively 
used by Sir Henry Yule in his edition of Hedges' Diary. I have 
however gone through them again, not so much with a view to discover 
materials for a life of Pitt, as to gain additional light on the history 
of the English in Becgal. The following is all that I have found 
worth noting. 

1. Writing on the 4th May, 1700, to John Beard, Pitt says: — 
'*I send your Lady (to whom I give my service) [one p. of China 

silk mark'^ J. B.] - four potts of tea four jars of China sweetmeats 
two gammons of bacon and 20 potts of hogsue and if she please 
at any time to hon" me w*'' her command for anything she wants 
iu these parts I shall be very ready to serve her." 

2. On the 8th May, 1 700, Pitt writes the following letter to Khojah 
Sarhad : — 

♦* Fort St. George, May 8th, 1700. 

To Cojah Sarade, Merch', 
in Bengale 
The small accquaintauce I have w'*" yo'' uncle Calender & you 
in England having seen you sev" times at Mr. OngJeys, makes 
me request yo' favour and assistance to Mr. Griffith and Cap* Hornett 
in the Sedgeicick in which I am concerned, wee designing her for 
Persia, and hope by yo"" means to gett a good ffreight, she is a very 
good ship, and sails excellent well and good defence, she is but small soe 
must carry none but fine goods and hope there may be enough procured 
to lade her y' she may depart in Septemb"" w'^' will be of great advan- 
tao-e to the freighters getting there early, and carrying soe small a 

' British Museum. Add. MS3., 22342 to 22853. 

' The words within square brackets are written in the margin. 

B B 

370 Pitt's corkespondence. 

I allsoe am sending downe a email ship for Moco when shall 
write you more att large. If I can serve you in any thing here you 
may att any time command y' assured 

friend to serve 

you T. Pitt." 

3. On the 10th April, 1700, Pitt wrote to Captain Alexander 
Delgardno asking him to pay back the money which he owed. On 
the 13th March, 1701, he writes to Thomas Curgenven saying that 
Delgardno is to he seized by the native government at Hugli. 

4. On the 20th May, 1701, writing to Beard, he says : — 

" If the interest of the Armenians cannot fill a ship for Manilla 

'tis a sign that trade is little worth Your son is very well but has 

boils which is a sign of health. A letter from your mother Ivry I here 

5. Writing on the 20th May, 1701, to Curgenven, he says : — 

" I wish you may go to Dacca w"'' I take to be as advantageous 
a post as most in the Comp^'^ service." 

6. On the 30th June, 1701, he sends a letter to Curgenven by 

*' your brother who came out a soldier on the Bedford I wonder 

y*" uncle would not send him out under better circumstances." 

7. On the 9th July, 1701, to Robert Hedges :— 

" Y' brother Raynes sent me by the adventure from Surat some 
snuff for you." 

8. On the same date to Beard : — 

" Y' mother and son is pretty well tho. uneasy un^er the present 
excessive hot weather wee now have & so am I too." 

9. On the 26th July, 1702, writing to Beard, Pitt hopes he will 
" make a tolerable end of that troublesome business," i.e., the quarrel 
with the Mogul government...." My kinsman Halsey was very much in 
the wrong when he pressed the giving of money but a man in troubles 
is like one that is sick take anything for the present case without con- 
sidering the consequences and that has been the unhappy temper of 
some of our predecessors and as to what you wrote that if the trade is 
not opened there may be a trade carried on underhand by the con- 
nivance of the Oovernment who will be p*^ for it and always ready 
to create us troubles for that end and doubtless 'twill raise a good 

Pitt's correspondence. 371 

rerenue to the Gov' of Hugly if he can have four rup. a chest for ophium 
and 80 in proportion for bales." 

10. On the 24th September, 1702, to Ourgenven : — 

"I rec** a letter from y"^ uncle per the Colchester in, w'* was two 
parhs. I now send you in a paper apart. I suppose they are grounded 
from somewhat y* you wrote the reasons thereof I desire to know y* 
Boe I may justify myselfe for I have reason to fear you have not dealt 
fairly by me, nor have made such due representation of my repeated 
kindnesses to you as I have justly deserved." 

11. On the 25th September, 1702, writing to Beard: — 

"Tour mother Ivory has been out of order some time butt your son 
is well and lusty." 

12. On the 5th November. 1702, to Beard again : — 

" Wee are all beholding to you for the care you have taken in the 
Rubies business. T am glad the management of your ship Monsoon is 
to your satisfaction having done thereio as if it had been all my own 
as alsoe in the sale of your peper & the returns thereof....! observe 
what you say was said in Bengala by Coja Surhaud about letting out 
the Fhenix, & I am of his opinion.... Tour mother Ivry is indisposed 
but your son well." 

13. On the 7th November, to Sheldon : — 

" The balance of your account with Mr. Whistler is paid to ]!d>. 
Affleck as advised. 

I observe what you write about your government & 'tis much the 
same here all matters standing as when I last wrote having not as yet 
released our goods nor asked for a penny of money & if they do'nt 
do the former speedily I am thinking to fetch the goods from St. 
Thomas.... Sir Ed. I believe is convinced by this time that there 
will be a union between the two comp**- The new Comp* nicked 
it in their uniting for here is a whole catalogue of misfortunes gone 
home to 'em. I hear that you are the top-gardener in Bengali aud 
I am as well as I can imitating of you bere for in our last trouble we 
extiemely wanted garden trade, so am now contriving to have all within 
ourselves and should be extremely obliged to you if you would yearly 
furnish me with what seeds your parts afford. Beans, pease &e. they 
must be new & the best way to send 'em is in bottles well stopped 
for no manner of seed thrives here if it be the growth of the place 
for it dwindles to nothing." 

B B 2 



14. On tie 8th November, to Halsey: — 

"I was glad to hear that you & y^ lady Lad gott clear of the 
Gov* who I wish may not make it their practice for the future to seize 
our persons & estates upon all light pretences soever but now the two 
Compa.s are united hope they will call 'em to account for the same." 

15. On the 8th December, 1702, to Beard :— 

" Sir Ed. may talk of a Phirmand, tho. 1 am pretty sure he'l never 
get any....Dowd Oawn is come again withiu 3 leagues of this place 
designing as is reported to go against some Po Hi gars.... The 3rd instant 
your mother Ivory died. ^ Before when there was no probability of her 
recovery I enquired whether you had given any orders about your son 
& found you had to Mr. Affleck otherwise I would have taken charge 
of him till your further order. I also recommended to Mr. Affleck the 
care of your mother's concerns & write you fully thereof by this cossed 
which comes on purpose....! have wrote to Mr. Haynes about the 
Blimderbusses but to this day have had no answer to it but have 
lately refreshed his memory with another letter." 

16. On the 5th January, 1702-3, to Beard :— 

"Mr. Haynes acknowledges that he has had the 11 blunderbusses. 

Dowd Cawn is gone about 12 leagues distance into the country 

ransacking all where he comes....! should be extremely obliged to you 
if you w*^ send me by all conveyances good store of garden seeds 
such as pease beans turnips carrots cabages water-melons &c. they 
must be new & the best way of putting them up is in bottles. The 
Armenian in the Johanna sent me a few, which ! believe he had from 
Patna which proved veiy good." 

17. On the 7th January, 1702-3, to Samuel Ongley, London : — 

" My liesure time ! generally spend in gardening and planting and 
making such improvements which ! hope will tend to the Oompa's 
advantage and the good of the whole place for tliat in a little time ! 
hope the place will be able to subsist of itself without much dependance 
from the country for that in the late long siege we were not a little 
pinched for provisions." 

18. On the 28th January, 1705-G, to Mr. John A.ffleck, London :— 
" You'l hear that there has been a great mortality in Bengal and 

those escaped hither with their lives look most dismally more parti- 

1 The Madras Jiurial Eegister gives: "Elizabetli Ivory, buried December 
2nd, 1702, by George Lewis." 



cularly brother Harris. Poor Stratford died in Bengal. Mr. Boucher 
& Mr. Bedshaw & Mr. Harris that man-ied the widdow dyed here 
lately. Mr. Wright is married to Mrs. Beard & the other Mr. Wright 
goeing to marry Mrs. Hart which is all the news I now think of." ' 

19. On the 10th March, 1701-5, to Wm. Dohyns Esq", Lincoln's 
Inn, London : — 

" Few days past we had the ill news from Bengal of Mr. Curgen- 
ven's death who married y' daughter in law, who as 'tis said have 
lately met with misfortunes in trade so I fear has left hm widdow but 
in poor circ'." 

20. On the same date to Mr. Ourgenven : — 

*' The Dutchess did not sail till Fehr^ when I advised you of 
your nephew's death in Bengali and doe now of your Dephew Thomas 
who died the 25th Dec*", & as reported his affairs involved by over- 
trading himself. The other two brothers are n"" Acheen & speedily 
expected here to whom I will give my utmost assistance as also their 
brother's affairs to extricate them out of any trouble." 

21. On the 27th September, 1705, to Wm. Dobyns of Lincoln's 
Inn : — 

" I reo*^ y"^ of the 29th Dec. last by the Fl^ci frigate who arrived 
here the 27th of June & know not how to answer every particular 
clearly relating to your son's affairs unless Mrs. Ourgenven was here 
whom I expect in a little time. Her husband dying after I wrote you 
by the last ships copy of w''^ comes inclosed the account I sent you 
attested by my accountant is as authentic as if subscribed by myself. 
I can give you no other account of your son's estate but as it came to 
my hands for his transactions of it before was unknown to me.... I wrote 
you formerly that the ace* y' son sent you was a sham ace* & so 
declared by him. I believe his outcry was fair & just, for 'twas sold 
at the sea gate where those sort of shams can't be practised & I believe 
if the arrack had been worth a fanam more Grermain had not had it. 
Your son in his sickness was pressed several times to make a will but 
could never be persuaded to it and I believe the widow delivered up all 
his effects to which she took her oath as advised in my last letter." 

^ The Register of Marriages at Madras in the India Office give? : "January 

6th, 1706, Thomes Wright and Mary Beard February 1st, Robert Wright ani 

Eligabeth Hart." 

374 Pitt's coRrtESPoxDENCE. 

22. On the 20th January, 1706-7, to John Dolben : — 

" Since you went hence we have heard of a very great mortality 
amongst our Europeans at Bengal when Mr. Sheldon was very near 
aging w*^ we believe is the only reason that has prevented his sending 
us any of yours or our own accounts." 

23. On the Ist February, 1708-9, to Eobert Hedges, in 
England : — 

" I rec* the favour of yours of the 5 Jan. 1707-8 by the Somer 

who arrived here the 18th past, the Lichfield and Montague 

have been very near to falling into the French hand. I am heartily 
glad that you escaped and arrived safe in England and 'tis reported 
here that you are hastening out to the Presidency at Bengal, if so 
I wish you good success.... Shealem^ w*'^ his army is now at Golconda 
having killed in two battles two of his brothers & 3 of their sons so 
have hopes that all now will be quiet but some doubt it fearing there 
will be speedily fresh troubles between his sons & he'll also meet 
with trouble from the Bashboots with whom he has broke his word. 

Mr. Nightingale will acquaint you with the news of Bengal and 
those paxts where the Gov* is very troublesome we are sending some 
persons with a present to the King " 

24. On the 21st October, 1709, to Robert Nightingale, in Eng- 
land : — 

" I have by thii ship Seathcote wherein I take my passage wrote 
to Sir Stephen Evance & yourself jointly and sent you by the hands 
of the Oap"^ four bulws. of Diamonds am^ to Pag. 3639 : 35 : 40 wherein 
you are interested Pag. 1069: 2: 42 the ball** of y'' ace', which I 
here iaclose I shall not enlarge hoping to be with you as soon as this." 

1 Shah 'Ham. 





1661 TO 1685. 

Mr. Kenns,2 etc., advices about Bengali, etc., in the year 1661, being 
writt from Cassumbuzar. 

Goods vendible. 

The commodities chiefly vendable in this place are Silver and Gold ; 
Silver either in Coin or Bans according to its fineness. The best time 
of the year to sell it in is in December except the Dutch should have 
no more silver from Japan, and the best time for sale will be in May. 
Eialls of I are esteemed weighty, when 50 of them w^ 120 sicca (which 
are new Rupees of that year's coin) Rupees. The weight of each sicca 
is 10^ mass, 8 of which mass is equall to the full weight of a 20* piece 
in gold ; Gold either in Coin, wedge or sand vendable at all times, there 
being much less difference in the price than in silver, which rises and falls 
a great deal more. The first of these three sorts is most vendible to 
proffit, whether 5, 10, 20, or 22* ps. or 8 Spanish Doublons, or Yenice 
Chequeens. The next sort vendible is in the Wedge. The sand Gold is 
in somewhat lower esteem, tho' of the same fineness, the reason is because 
the coined gold of the sorts abovementioned is generally known as to 

^ This forms the ninth and last section of a manuscript volume in the isntisli 
Mnseum, (Add. MSS. 34,123) called a Megister of papers relating to the English 
and Dutch East Indies, 1632-1735. The volume seems to have belonged to 
Henry Vansittart, Governor of Bengal. It has fifty pages. The extract here given 
begins on p. 42. There are other scattered notices of Bengal in the earlier pages. 

J. Marshall, a superstitious sailor with an enquiring mind, has also something 
to say about Bengal at this time in a Journal headed "Laus Deo, Sept. 3 Anno 
Dmi lfc'68. An account of some pts. of India and w* remarkable therein taken 
by me, J 3^" British Museum, Harl. MS. 42-54. He, however, speaks rather 
of the Indian language, religion and science. In Harl. M3. 4253, we have 
a dialogue beween J. M. and a Brahmin at Cassimbazar, In dari. MS. 4255 
J. M. gives us the Sanscrit alphabet. Harl. MS. 4252 is the journal of the 
voyage of the Unicorn, 330 tons, leaving Blackwall, 29th December, 1667. 

- Joan Kenn was appointed, in 1658, Chief at Cassimbazar, salary £40. Seo 
above p. 33, and R'.dges Diary, III, pp. 189, 192, 193. 


its fineness by all merchants without further tryall than inspection as 
for its value, that is as the gold is in fineness, yet you may note that 
a 20' ps., that is weight sells allways from 10 to 10 1 rupees, never under 
nor over. The merchants buy Gold and Plate pay always ready 
money, when it is weighed to them, then they presently send it up to 
Rajamaul (where mint is) to be coined, which costs them about 3| po. 
the charges of coining, but if the English send up any it will cost them 
more. Silver rises and falls generally according as the Batty [bat^a] 
goes on Sicca Rupees. 

Othsr Commodities are vendible here, but not in great quantities 
except Ohank [CawiM] or Tinn. 

Goods procurable. 

Commodities procurable here are silk TafPaties long and short, 
women's Clouts of silk about 11 Coveds long and severall sorts of striped 
Stuffs and Striped Girdles. The silk is bought at the best hands, it 
must be bought in the Putta [? pafa], or short skean, which is first 
wound ofE from the Bag of the worm, which commonly is worth from 
15 to 19 ans, the half Seer, 70 Tolas, each Tola being the just weight 
of a Rupee making a Seer, in this silk we commonly wind it into above 
3 Sorts, Viz* head, Belly, and foot.^ When we buy it of them, we buy 
only the head and belly, and its Customary that we have 5 Seer of the 
head to every 4 Seer of the Belly. 

There is another soit of Silk which is superfine called Puttany 

[?paiam^^ which is usually worth from 5j to 6^ Rupees per seer. This 

silk is in short skeans like the Putta. 

There is another sort of Silk which the Merchants buy for Agra, 

called Dolleria [? Dil/ieriol, which is head, belly, and foot mixt together. 

According as this silk sells in Agra, so the price of silk in Cassumbuzar 

riseth or falleth. The exchange of money from Cassumbuzar to Pattana 

and Agra riseth and falleth as the said silk findeth a vent in Pattana 

01 Agra. 

The exchange to Patna, 

To pay money in Cassumbuzar and receive it in Pattana, upon biU 

of Exchange a month after date, always yields proffit. I have known 

it from 1 to 6 per cent., when the silk sells well at Agra, the produce 

is usually sent to Cassumbuzar in money overland, which is the reason 

tliat when great sums of money come from thence the exchange of 

money to Pattana in one day doth sometimes fall 2\ to 3 p. o. 

' What would now be called, first, second, and third quality silk. 


The ordmary Long Taffaties of 20 Cov''^ long an'l 2 broad are always 
betwixt 4 to 5 Rupees per piece, the short of 10 Cov*^" long and 14 
broad from 8 to 23 Rupees per Gorge [CorjaJ. 

At Maqsuddbad. 
At Muxadavad, above 3 leagues from Cassumbiizar, there are made 
several! sorts of silver and gold Girdles from 10 Rupees to 60 Rupees 
each, also fine Taffaties from 9 to 12 Rupees per piece; but none of 
those goods are near so fine or good as those that come from Persia. 

The Monsoons. 
The Monsoons Serve to Yoyage to and from several parts in India 
as foUoweth, viz^ — 

From Bantam to Macassar from October until Aprill. 
From Bantam to the Coast of Cormandell all the months of the 
year, thro' the Straights of Sunda, except September, October, and 
November, and those 3 months thro' the straights of Mallaca. 

From Surat to Bantam in Aprill, and so arrive at Bantam the latter 
end of May. 

From Bantam to Surat in the latter end of August, and so arrive 
at Surat the end of September. 

From Surat to Persia in the months of October, November, and De- 
cember, and return from Persia to Surat in February and arrive in March. 
From Surat to England the best time is in December, and so to fall 
with the Cape of Good Hope in February or March and arrive at 
St. HeUena in Aprill, from whence the common passage to England is 
three months. 

From Bantam to Japan in the month of Aprill and May, and so 
return in November and December. 

From the coast of Cormandell to Bantam all the months of the 
year either by the Streights of Sunda or the Streights of Alalacca, except 
January, February, and ^Nlarch, those being the 3 worst months in the 
year, the wind lying at S.-E., and so that a ship cannot get off the 

No ship can winter upon the coast of India, but if they depart 
from Surat in Aprill they must either go for Bantam, the Mauritius or 
Augvistine Bay, which is upon the Island of S* Lawrence. 


Hugly the best time to buy Goods in this place is as followeth 
viz* — 

In March and April, "Wheat, Gunneys, and Sugar. 


In May and June, Butter, Ginghams, White Cloths, and several 
sorts of striped stuffs. 

In July and August, Rice, Hemp, Flax. 

In December and January, Long Pepper, Oyle, and Rice of the 
second growth. 

In September, October, and November all things are very dear, being 
the time of Shipping, and in which we receive in those goods for which 
money was given out in the months afore written. 


Commodities procurable. 

A List of what goods procurable at Pattana and the season when to 
be had at the best rates, viz* — 

Musk — the greatest quantity is bought in tlie cold, some out, but 
that not considerable from Buttim [Butan], a Raja's country towards 
the Coast of China, 3 months' journey from Pattana; it usually comes 
thither in the month of November. Sooner they cannot come by reason 
of the heats, which encounters them to their Destruction, from thence its 
carried to Agra, and so to Persia, Yenice, etc., the price usually from 
Rupees 35 to 40 the Seer, the Seer being 16 pice weight (16 pice is lOy^j- 
ounces Troy) Sawjahaun [Shah Jahan] such as go at Surat and all the 
King's Dominions. Musk out of the Cold sold by the Tola from rupees 
3 to 6 if high price, then its all in small hard Knobs round, if about 3 
then dust without them. Ophium to be bought in March, before which 
Time they'll make no absolute bargain, because they'll see what crop they 
may expect, and accordingly it governs in price, in the year 58 we had 
it from Rupees 50 to 60, but since it hath been dearer from 80 to 100 
Rupees prime Cost, by reason bf a scarcity of it about G-Qzzarat, for if 
they have sufficient of their own growth thereabouts, then its cheap with 
us, but for these 3 years they have had little there, which hath caused the 

^ An attempt was made from Surat through Agra to establish the English 
trade at Patna ia 1632. See Peter Mundy's Travels, British Museum, Add. 
MSS., 2286. P. M. left Agra on the 6 Aug. carrying "8 carts laden with 
Barrels of Quicksilver and parcills of virmillioa for the HonWo Companies 
account to bee there sold, and the money to bee there Invested : as alsoe to see 
the state of the Countrie what hopes of benefitt by tradinge into these parts." 
He reached Patna the 17 Sept. and left again for Agra, the 16 Nov. 1632, He 
reports against trading there. It is his opinion "that the sendinge of mee to 
Pattana with the Companies goods may not only prove to theire losse, but is alsoe 
against the intent and meaning of the President and Counsell at Suratt.'* 
Stewart in his History of Bengal (pp. 140,141) records a still earlier attempt made 
by Hughes and Parker ia lt>20. 



advance in price with us ; if you buy in March to receive in 2 or 3 months 
after for 1 md. they'll allow you but 38 seers, because of its dryings, if 
yon receive it green by wheight, or when first made you may expect to 
dry 8 seers in each maund, and accordingly make your account. 

Tumerick to be had in June if then bought li maund may be had 
for a E.upee. 

Tincall [tinkar] usually from 9 to 11 Eupees per maund. 

Gumlack or Sticklack very dear, from 9 to 11 Rupees. 

Drugs great store of all sorts, that come from Buttim or Buttun 
[Butan], and the Coast of China. 

Silver thread, the best procurable Re. 1-1 per Tola, which is 11 mace, 
called the Agra Tola, when as the other tola is 12 mace, by which all 
massee silver and gold, amber, etc., are sold by ; Grold Thread Rs. 2-2. 

English Cloth sold by the Plush Yai-d, which is about | more than 
the English Tard, so are Taffaties and all other things measurable at 
Pattana, you may buy in the Bazar anything by the yard vending 
much by retail. 

All manner of Gazratt, Banara, Jehaunpore, etc., commodities are to 
be had there, as Gold, Sashes, Umey Girdles, Elatches, Remerrys,^ etc., 
all sold by weight the 11 mace Tula, and usually about Re. 1-15 to 
Hs. 2-1 per Tola. 

The Staple commodities that come from Buttim [Butan] are Musk 
and sand gold, whoever goes theither cannot return above twice in 3 years, 
for he must barter the goods he carrys theither in Iron, Butter, Oyle, 
Hemp, Come, etc., before he can attain either Musk or Gold, or other 
Transportable Commodities not to be bad there. At Baaares, 12 course 
from Pattana andLachore, 16, theres white cloth fitt for Persia to be had 
called Umbertees and Camcomp,- from Re. 1-8 to 3 rupees per piece 
in which commodities are invested by Armenian and Mogull merchants 
at least ten hundred thousand rups. per ann. Transported by Ijand 
to Surat, and thence by shipping to Persia. Good proffits are made of 
them from thence to Siu-at. 

There are better Tafiaties made at Pattana than Cassumbazar, which 
are sold from 9 to 10 as. the long yard, but no great quantities, but 
if followed a good quantitie might be procured. 

Measures in use. 

The Gold Moor is 10 mace. 
The Sicca Rupee 10 i mace. 
Great Tola 12 mace. 

' ? Urna girdles, Altdchas, and Eeshmts, 
* ? Amritis and Kincob. 


Agra Tola II mace. 

70 Sicca Rupees make a seer. 

40 King's Pice a seer. 

40 Seers a Maund. 

304J Ounces Troy makes by Calculation Seer 30 of .16 Pice. 

The Yard things are sold by retail is almost | more than the English 

16 Pice is a seer of musk. 

There is three weights goods are sold by there, one they call the 
small weight, which is pico 28 to the seer. The 2 the middle weight, 
which is pice 36. The 3 the great weight, which is pice 40. 


Hugly sugars to be bought at Chandracona and Tania. The best time 
to give out money in iu Xber to merchants that live at Hugly who will 
undertake to deliver it you there in August following at Bupees 6 to 7 
per Bale, the Bale being m'^* 2 and 13 seers the 40 Pice Seer, its much 
better to contract with them than to send or go ourselves, for we have 
found it come out cheaper than we could ever make it come out oar- 
selves, tho' we pay no Custome and they do its usually sold in shipping 
time from 9 to 10 Hupees per bale. 

Long Pepper to be bought at said time, it grows about 16 course 
thence, it may be had at 4 to 5 Rupees per maund, and in the shipping 
its usually woith 9 to 10 Rupees, but much of it must not be bought 
because Bulkey, and will not vend. 

Butter to be had what quantitie you desire, its to be had in Xber 
at 4 and 5 Rupees per maund and is old from 8 to 10 Rupees per maund. 

Oyle to be bought in Xber at If to 2 Rup* and sells at 3 to 4 
Bupees p"^ maund at Ballasore ; since this new King's [Aurangreb's] 
Government the weights are there as in Pattana formerly somewhat 
less than £70 English the Maund now £75.^ 

List or Chiefs in Bengal.^ 

Chiefs iu Orixa and Bengali since' the Company getting tliere, viz* — 
Mr. Cartwright \ 
Mr. Joyce [ At BaUasore.' 

Mr. Yard ' 

1 Evidently Kenn's account ends hore. 

2 I have put in the dates given by Danvers in op cit. 

3 This again confirms Bruton's account of the coming of the English to 
Bengal, and the foundation of the factories at Uariharpur and Balasor in 1633 by 
Ualph Cartwright. 


Capt. Brukehaven. 
Mr. Bridgeman [1650— 1653]. 
Mr. Walgrave [?1653— ]. 
Mr. Gawding [P1658] and Mr. Billiugsley. 
Agent Treveza [1658—1663]. 
Mr. Blake [1663—16691. 
Mr. Bridges [1669, 70] subordinate to the Fort. 
Mr. ClaviUi [? 1670-1677]. 
Mr. Vincent [1677—1682]. 

Agent Hedges [1682—168-1], directly from the Company. 
Agent Beard [1684, 85], subordinate to the Fort. 


Ayreeineni beticeen Masters and the Merchants. 

The agreement made between the Agent and Councill for affairs of 
Ih^ Hon**'^ English East India Company upon the Coast of Cormandell 
and in tlie Bay of Bengali and the said Comp^'* Merchants Chim- 
chamsaw, Chittamundsaw and Company at BaUasore, the 3 day of Sep- 
tember Anno 1679. 

Is^. — That. the Investments for goods to be bought for the Hon^'* 
English East India Company in this Factory of Ballasore, being 
divided into 10 eqnall parts, shall be subdivided and allotted or propor- 
tion'd as follows : — 

Four of the 10 parts to Chimchamsaw, Two of the 10 parts to 
Chittamundsaw, and the other 4 of the Tern parts to the rest of tho 
(ompas. Merchants, such of them and in such proportions as the chief 
of this Factory and the said Chimchamsaw and Chittamundsaw shall 
agree from time to time. 

2nd. — The said Chimchamsaw and Chittamundsaw for and in con- 
sideration of their said respective shares in the investments do hereby 

^ The list omits Henry Powell who was appointed to succeed Shem Bridge 
by a letter from the Court dated 7th December 1669. Probably he never 
succeeded. See Danvers op cit. p. 9. 

2 J. Marshall arrived at Balasor, 5 July 1669, " where the English have a 

factory a little way from the riverside Ballasore is a very great straggling 

town but scarce a house in it but dirt and thatched ones." Marshall went over- 
land with Mr. Bridges to Hugli. On 23 Febr. 1670, at the crossing of the 
Pipli river they were stopped by the soldiers of a local grandee, in number about 
sixty or seventy, daubed with turmeric and armed. The Chief, Mr. Bridges, gave 
them seven ruix?es. 


promise and obleige themselves severaUy and proportionably to their 
paid shares to be security and responsible for all the goods, Treasure, 
moneys and effects •whatsoever which shall be paid and advanced or 
delivered unto them, or either of them, or to any of the other merchants 
by their consents upon account of the said Investments, that is to say, 
Cbimchamsaw is responsible for his own four Tenths and 2 thirds of 
the four tenths for the merchants, and Chittamundsaw is responsible 
for his own two Tenths and for one third of the four Tenths for the 
other merchants. 

Zrdly. — It is agreed that the full summs which the Investments shall 
amount unto shall be yearly paid or delivered to the said Merchants 
in Curr* Money, or in Treasure within one month after the arrivall 
of the ships to an anchor in the Road from England and no part of it 
before the arrivall of the ships, and if upon making up the accounts 
after the ships departure or after the full investments are deliver 'd 
and sorted, there shall remain &ny money in arrears in the merchants 
hands the said Chimchamsaw and Chittamundsaw do hereby promise 
and oblige themselves, according to their proportions beforementioned, 
to repay the same within one month after the ships departure within 
Tenn days af f^er demand thereof by the chief of the factory, and in 
Case of non-payment of such arrears they promise and agree to pay 
I5 p. c. per mensem for interest tmtill payment, and shall forfeit 
and loose their, and each of their respective shares and proportions 
allotted to them in the Companys investments as aforesaid, if it shall 
be thought fitt not to employ them afterwards. 

^tlily. — The orders for the investments shall be given to the 
merchants, and agreed upon between the Chief and Councill of the 
Factory and them some time in the month of March yearly and the 
said merchants do promise and agree to provide all such goods as the 
Company or the Agent and Councill or the Chief and Councill of the 
Bay shall require to be provided at this factory of Ballasore, at as 
reasonable and cheap rates and as good goods as any other merchant 
can provide or sell to the same, and they promise and oblige themselves 
(severally and proportionable to their said shares to be security and 
res-nonsible for all the Goods, Treasure, mcnys, and effects whatsoever 
which shall be paid, advanced, or delivered unto them or either of them 
or to any of the other merchants by their consents upon account of 
the said Investments, that is to say, Chimchamsaw is responsiljle for 
his own four Tenths and for two Thirds of the four Tenths for the 
merchants, and Chittamundsaw is repponsible for his own two Tenths 


and. for one Third of tlie four Tenths for the other merchants) to deliver 
all the said goods at the Company's house by the 25 day of November 
yearly, and what goods come in too late to be fent home upon the ships 
are to be returned upon the merchants. 

bthly. — If the said merchants shall desire any of the Company's 
money before the arrivall of the ships, and the Chief and Councill 
BhaU think convenient to pay it to them, the said merchants do agree 
to allow 1^ p. c. per mensem for the same, for so long time as it 
shall remain in their hands before the arrivall of the ships. 

Qthly. — If any merchant shall fall short of his proportion of the 
Goods allotted to him to provide, and the Company be thereby dis- 
apointed of tbe full return of their investments, that merchant so 
falling short, shall forfeit and loose his part and share in tlie invest- 
ments for ever after, provided it were not caused through trouble and 
stopage of the goods in the Country. 

7thly. — This agreement shall remain and be in force untill the 
honourable Company from England shall give order for alltering or 
voiding the same, unless the merchants thro' their default shaU cause 
ft breach thereof. In witness whereof the Agent and Coimcill have 
sett their hand and the Hon''* Company's scale to one part, and the 
said merchants have sett their hands and seales to one other part, which 
are interchangably delivered in the Company's Factory house in 
Ballasore the Day and Year first above written. 

Chimcham. \ J f \ Stryensham Masters. 

( Com?.°^ale. ) ElCHARD MoHUN. 

Chittamund. C^, V / Eichard Edwards. 

It ifl declared that Chinchamsaw and Chittamundsaw are jointly 
responsible for all fresh mony or effects that shall be paid and delivered 
to the other merchants upon the four Tenths allotted to them as they 
the said Chimcbamsaw and Chittamundsaw, shall underwrite or pass 
receipts for in the Company's Receipt book, and not otherwise. 

Stryensham Masters. 
Eichard Mohun. 
Eichard Edwards. 



Contract for 1679. 
A Contract made by Mr. Masters, etc , at BaUasoro, 1679, with tlie 
merchants there for the goods following, viz* — 

1,000 ps. Sannoes, whited and cured 3i) Covdg. 
long, 2 do. broad. 

Suro Sannoes 

Head No. A at 74J 
Bel ly No. B at «!»■ 
Foot No, C at 64 

re '' 




Herapore Sannoes Head No. A at 674 
Belly No. B at 62J 
Foot No. C at 67i 

Mohunpore Sannoes Head No. A at 59^5 
Belly No. B at 61, 





Foot No. C at 49/i J Gorge. 

■^ Rv 

) Go] 

1,000 ps. Gingham colour'rt 20 Covds. long and 
2 do. broad. 

Head No A at 56 ") 

Belly No. B at 51J f-Rup. per Gorge. 

Foot No. Gut 45 ) 

1 000 ps. Nillaes 20 Govds. and 2 do broad. 
( Head No. A at 80 , 
Fine ... J. S Rup. per Corjie. 

Belly \o. B at 75 
C Head No. A at 70" 

(■ Head No. A at 70") 
Ordinary < Belly No. B at 61 >■ Rup. per Gorge. 
(.Foot iNo. G at67U 

The difference in the prices of these very sorts of Goods bought in 
Anno 1679, viz^ — 

The Sannoes about 20 p. c. cheaper, the Gingham 12 p. c aud the 
Nillas about 16 p. c. 

At Cassimbazar, 
Advices from Balasor. 

Upon reading 

1679, October. 

advices from Ballasore concerning Salt Petre, 
Eomalls, Cossaes, Mulmuls and Hummums, which 
the merchants there desire to put off to the 
Hon^^' Company, it was resolved not to buy any of these goods at that 
place, better and Cheaper being provided in the other factorys. 

Fine Taffaties were prised and the prices sett down in the Weavers 
books at 4 to 5 Eups per piece of 20 Ooveds, 
they arose well. 


Bates of Exchange. 

Some of the Company's Merchants and Shrofs of this place that 
have dealt much in buying tlieir silver and gold, haveing been Beverall 
days treated with about making a firm and lasting Contract for all the 
Silver and Gold that should be sold in this Factory, at Ihe last Chitter- 
mull was brought to agree to give 210 Eupees Sicca or 212 Pe.t' for 100 
Eialls of Eight weighing 240 rupees, and ihe same price for Silver in 
Ingots of the same Essay with Eialls, but differing upon the Essay of 
Eyalls of Eight, which are said to be 6| Euttees, and he says but 5^ 
Euttees waste in a Eupee weight, the bargain was dofer'd, and this 
evening Essays were made of Eialls of eight Mexico and Sivill and of a 

' Apparently jt?eM, market-rate. 



standard silver which came out at 5| Euttees, 6 Ruttees, and 6^ Ruttees 
in the Rupee, a Rupee is accounted fine silver and weighs 10| mace, the 
last year Rialls of Eight were sold here at 210 and 20 9 1 Rups. peet, 
and this year they were sold at 209 and 208^ Rupees peet, for 
240 Rupees weight, and the silver in Ingots was sold last year at 209 1 
Rupees Peet for 240 rupees weight, and 2 dwt. finer than Standard 
allowed to make it Equall with the Essay oi Rialls of Eight, 1 dwt. being 
to a pound 2| Chaul to a Rupee. The Gold sold last year at 15 rupees 
per Tola fine the waste upon Standard ^^ Mace in a Tola and Pistols 
at 13i Rup. per Tola ; this year Pistols sold at 13 Rupees per Tola, 
iloora last year worth 13 Rup. and this year 1244 ^^V- P^^ P^- 
the Moor is accounted to be fine Gold and weighs 9| mace. Chitter- 
mull was brought now to give 13| Rupees per Tola (Peet that is 
currant money) for Pistols and for Gold of Pistoll Essay the same 
price, to return Moors at 13 Rups. a piece or to pay mony, and if 
the price of Moors shall rise, the price of Gold to rise accordingly. 
Note 8 chaul is a Ruttee, 8 Ruttee is a Mace, and 12 Mace is a Tola, 
the Charges about 6 p.c. 

Regulations for the Bay of Bengal. 

For the better regulating the affairs of the Hon**^^- Company in 
the Bay of Bengal that the same may be managed in good order and 
method in the respective Factorys, it is resolved and ordered. 

Books of acoounU to be regulary kept. 

That the Chief of each respective Factory shall keep a receipt book 
wherein he shall take receipts for all money paid or issued out, and 
shall also pass receipts for all money jeceived upon the Companys 
account : Whereas it was ordered in the regulations made the third of 
November 1676 at Cassumbazar that the Bills and attestations for 
mony paid out of the Cash should be read and passed in Councill every 
week and noted in the Consultation Books, in regard the amount Cash is 
since orderd to be enterd at the end of every months Diary ; it is thought 
best and ordered that the account Cash be read and passed in Council] 
the next CoTinciU day, that is upon the next Monday or Thursday after 
the last day of every month, and the sum of the Ballanee or Rest of 
the Cash sett down iu every such consultation, and whereas it was 
orderd in the foresaid Regulations made at Cassumbazar that fn the 
Book of Accoimts each factory should be charged with what was imme- 
diately sent or received to or from thence ; it is now order'd that for 

c c 


of Dacca, tlie Charges of the Sloopes, and the extraordinary Charges of 
Hugly in respect it is the head Factory for governing the rest for which 
Durbar and Port Charges fchall he made Dr. to Charges generall such a 
Bumm as the Charge of Hugly exceeds the Charge of Cassumhazar or 
Ballasore factorys at so much p. °./q in the Invoices (besides the factory 
charges) for which Darbar and Port Charges shall be credited in the 
Books, and the foot of the Account shall be cleared liy proffit and 
loss as in the foot of Charges Grenerall. 

General letters. 

The Coppys of all generall letter? from one Subordinate Factory to 
another shall be sent to Hugly to be entered in the Coppy Books to be 
kept there and sent for England and the Fort, and in writing of Letters 
it is to be observed to mention the day upon which the L'etters are 
received. The Letters from the Hon'^'"- Comp. and also the letters 
from the Agent and Councill shall (as soon as they can be coppyed) 
be sent to all the Factorys for their parusall, and better understanding 
the Company a business, and the said Letters with all other writings 
received from, and sent into, England and the Fort siiall be coppyed 
into Books, and kept in the Pegisters at Hugly. 

Office rooms. 

In everyone of the Subordinate Factorys there shall be a hansome 
convenient Eoom, large, light, and well situated near the Chiefs and 
seconds Lodgings, which shall be sett apart for the office, and never 
diverted from that use, in which Poom shall be placed Desks or Tables 
to write upon and presses with Locks and Keys, wherein the Pegister of 
the Letters shall be kept and locked up with the accounts and all other 
writings of the factory, which upon the remove of the Chief are to be 
deliver'd over by a Roll or List to the succeeding Chiefs, that none may 
be imbezled, and at Hugly the said Lists are to be kept by the Second 
in the Accomptants office, and by the Secretary in the Secretarys office. 

The public table. 
A Publick Table shall be kept as the Hon^'*- Company have appoint- 
ed, at which all single persons of the Factory are to dyet, and no Dyet 
mony shall be allowed to single persons, only to those that are married 
and do desire to dyet apart. Dyet mony is to be paid as the Company 
have appointed, and the Steward for the charge of the Table at Hugly 
and at Cassnmbazar shall be the employment of one of the young men. 



a writer or factor, by which they may gain experience, and the third 
in the others [sjc] factorys is to take charge thereof as appointed in 
Cassambazar in November 1676. 

Establishment charges. 

As to the expense of the table and all other charges the Chiefs of 
the Factorys are to take due care to order the same in the most frngall 
manner that can be, that no extravagancy be practised, and no more 
peons or Servants kept than is necessary for the dispatch of the Com- 
panys business, and whereas the Company in the 12th section of their 
Letters of the 3rd January 1676 do order an establishment of charges 
to be settled, in everyone of the Factorys, which, though it cannot be 
perfectly d me, yet so farr as it can be done conveniently. We do 
order and appoint as followeth. 

The establishment at Hugli. 


At Hugly — Per mensem. 

Servants wages for the Chief ... 12 

For the second 
For the Minister 
For the 3rd of Couneill 
For the 4th of do. 
For the Surgeon 
For the Secretary 
For the Steward 

2 Pallankeens, one for the Chief and one for the Second, 7 horses, 2 
Cammells, none of -which are to be lent by any but the Chief, Grurrials 
[ghariyd/s], Cooks, Mussalls,^ Washings, Dog-keeper, Barber, etc., 
Servants, as usual. 

The establishment at subordinate factories. 


At the Subordinate Factorys — Per mensem. 

Servants wages for the Chiefs ... ... 6 

For the Second ... ... 4 

For the Thirds ... ... 3 

Charges Q-eneral Keeper ... ... 2 at Cassum- 

buzar only. 

* i.e. mash'als, torches. Perhaps here it is used for mash'alchis, torch bearers. 


of Dacca, the Charges of the Sloopes, and the extraordinary Charges of 
Hugly in respect it is the head Factory for governing the rest for which 
Durhar and Port Charges &hall be made Dr. to Charges genepall such a 
summ as the Charge of Hugly exceeds the Charge of Cassumbazar or 
Ballasore factorys at so much p. °!^ in the Invoices (besides the factory 
charges) for which Darbar and Port Charges shall be credited in the 
Books, and the foot of the Account shall ba cleared hy proffit and 
loss as in the foot of Charges Generall. 

General letLrs. 

The Coppys of all generall letter*: from ons Subordinate Factory to 
another shall be sent to Hugly to be entered in the Coppy Books to be 
kept there and sent for England and the Fort, and in writing of Letters 
it is to be observed to mention the day upon which the Lfetters are 
received. The Letters from the Hon^'^- Comp. and also the letters 
from the Agent and Councill shall (as soon as they can be coppyed) 
be sent to all the Factorys for their parusall, and better understanding 
the Companys business, and the said Letters with all other writings 
received from, and sent into, England and the Fort si i all be coppyed 
into Books, and kept in the Registers at Hugly. 

Office rooms. 

In everyone of the Subordinate Factorys there shall be a hansome 
convenient Boom, large, light, and well situated near the Chiefs and 
seconds Lodgings, which shall be sett apart for the office, and never 
diverted from that use, in which Room shall be placed Desks or Tables 
to write upon and presses with Locks and Keys, wherein the Register of 
the Letters shall be kept and -locked up with the accounts and all other 
writings of the factory, which upon the remove of the Chief are to be 
deliver'd over by a Roll or List to the succeeding Chiefs, that none may 
be imbezled, and at Hugly the said Lists are to be kept by the Second 
in the Accomptants office, and by the Secretary in the Secretarys office. 

The public table. 
A Publick Table shall be kept as the Plon^^*- Company have appoint- 
ed, at which all single persons of the Factory are to dyet, and no Dyet 
mony shall be allowed to single persons, only to those that are married 
and do desire to dyet apart. Dyet mony is to be paid as the Company 
have appointed, and the Steward for the charge of the Table at Hugly 
and at Cassumbazar shall be the employment of one of the young men. 



a writer or factor, by which they may gain experience, and the tliird 
in the others \_sic] factorys is to take charge thereof as appointed in 
Cassumbazar in November 1676. 

Establishtnent charges. 

As to the expense of tbe table and all other charges the Chiefs of 
the Factorys are to take due care to order the same in tbe most frugall 
manner that can be, that no extravagancy be practised, and no more 
peons or Servants kept than is necessary for the dispatch of the Com- 
panys business, and wbereas the Company in the 12th section of their 
Letters of the 3rd January 1676 do order an establishment of cbarges 
to be settled, in everyone of the Factorys, which, though it cannot be 
perfectly dme, yet so farr as it can be done conveniently. We do 
order and appoint as foUoweth. 

The establishment at Hugli. 


At Hugly— 



Servants wages for the Chief 


For the second 


For the Minister 


For the 3rd of Councill 


For the 4th of do. 


For the Surgeon 


For the Secretary 


For the Steward 


2 Pflllankeens, one for the Chief and one for the Second, 7 horses, 2 
Cammells, none of which are to be lent by any but the Chief, Grurrials 
[ghariyd/s], Cooks, MussaUs,i Washings, Dog-keeper, Barber, etc., 
Servants, as usual. 

The establishment at subordinate factories. 

At the Subordinate Factorys — Per mensem. 

Servants wages for the Chiefs ... ... 6 

For the Second ... ... 4 

For the Thirds ... ... 3 

Charges G-eneral Keeper ... ... 2 at Cassum- 

buzar only. 

* i.e. mash'als, torches. Perhaps here it is used for mash'alchis, torch bearers. 


A Pallankeen for tlie chief. 

3 horses not to be lent out but by the Chief. 

3 Gurrials. 

1 Cooke and a Mate : assistant]. 

2 Mussallches [niasJi'alchis]. 
For Barber 2 Rupees per month. 

For Washing what it costs for all the Factory. 
No Dog keeper, nor dogs at the Company's charge. 

No Candle nor bottle to be allowed as hath been used under the 
denomination of settlement Charges. Candles are only allowed to the 
Chiefs, and to those of the Councill in the respective factorys, to the 
Chaplain, and to the Chyrurgeon. 

Lamps are allowed to every chamber. 

The resjpomibility of Chiefs of Subordinaie Factories, 

No Chief of a Subordinate Factory is to remove from thence to any 
other Factory without leave first had from the Chief and Counoill of the 
Day under the penalty which the Hon. Comp. have appointed, and 
when a Chief doth remove from the Factory he shall first see that the 
Books of Accounts be brought up to the day, that the remains of the 
Warehouse and other accounts do agree with the books and the rest 
of cash he is to deliver up to the second and third, and if these things 
be not done, he is not to remove, neither the Chief of Hugly nor of a 
Subordinate Factory, notwithstanding the licence from the Chief and 
Councill of the Bay upon pain of being suspended the Hon. Comp. 
Service, and when upon the j*eniovall of the Chief to another Factory, 
there is occasion of leaving orders in the business of the Factory, the 
aid orders and directions shall be made in consultation, and not of the 
Chiefs single authority. 

The Chief and Council at Hiigli- to exercise general control over 

the trade. 

The Chief and Councill at Hugly must appoint the investments 
to each factory and summ up the whole together in one consultation 
every year that it may appear how and where the severall goods are 
to be provided, which the Hon. Company do in order. The price 
of all goods provided for the Hon. Comp. shall be agreed upon 
by Musters, and the goods Sorted by those Musters, and in such 


Factorys where there's no mony to to be given out upon dadnee^ 
or impress upon goods, there the Chief and CouncLll shall take 
care to agree with the Merchants for such Goods (or some part of them) 
as the Hon^'^- Company require in the months of February, March or 
Aprill, and that the mony shall be paid upon bringing in the goods in 
September or October following. 

The Company^s treasure. 
And in regard the Companys Treasure is a long time converting 
into currant mony so that they are at the charge of interest mony 
taken up to carry on their investments, therefore 'lis thought fitt and 
orderd to be observed in all the Factory s that upon all Peet or Currant 
Eupees which shall be paid to the Merchants upon the Investments or 
Dadnee^ or afterwards, they shall allow 1^ p. c. upon Sicca Eupees 
never less than 2 p. c. and as much more as the batta shall hereafter 
rise above 1 p. c. and upon gold mohars two annas and an half a pice 
more than the bazar rate. 

Special contracts with native merchants. 

Whereas there is a contract made by the Agent and Councill with 
Chittermulsaw at Cassumbazar for all the Silver and Gold, which shall 
be sent to be sold in that Factory, and there is a contract made with 
Chimchamsaw and Chittamundsaw at Ballasore by the Agent and Coun- 
cill that they shall be paid the full summ for that investment in trea- 
sure one month after the arrival of the English Ships, but at no certain 
rate, for the Treasure, therefore, it is to be observed that the Eialls 
of eight must be paid to Chimchamsaw, etc., at Ballasore not under 
212 Eups. p. % Rials | and the gold pistols not under 2 ans. per Tola, 
above tho Bazar rate for gold Mohars, and the allowing that rate the 
1* p. Vo upon mony paid on the investments is not to be charged on 
them in respect it will reqiiire a month's time or more to convert the 
treasure into mony, and notwithstanding the agreement made with 
Chittermulsaw it will be convenient to try what more can be made of 
the treasure in other Factorys, as at Pattana, and at Maulda, when that 
Factory is settled, being near the mint at Eajamaul ; there being some- 
times difference of 1 or 2 p. °/q between the mony of Cassumbazar, 
Hugly and Balasore, care is to be taken in remitting mony by exchange 
or in specie. And also in paym**- in specie to allow the Com p. the Batta 
that shall arise thereby in every one of the Factorys. 

* dddni, an advance made to the weaver or craftsman. 


No old mcrcJiant to he dismissed without a special order in Consultation. 

And it is to "be observed to keep the Compa*- old merchaiits employ- 
ed in providing their goods so long as they do well that the Hon'hle 
Company may upon enquiry be satisfied in their dealings, therefore no 
old merchant shall be put out of employment nor any new man 
employed without order in Consultation, and the reasons expressed 
therein for so doing, but if any old merchant fail in bringing in his 
goods in Time or not according to Muster, he ought to be discharged, 
and the Merchants Accounts must be adjusted once a year without fail. 

The Company's native servants. 

The like is to be observed in the house servants, especially the 
Yackeels, Bauians, and wiiters, that none of them be turned off or 
removed, nor new ones taken in without order of Councill signifying 
the reason for the discharge, being observed to be of bad consequence 
to turn off old Servants, and the Yackeels, Banians, Mutsuddys, Tagad- 
geers and Podars shall from this time forward be allowed no monthly 
wages, but they shall be content with the Dustore of a quarter of an 
Anna upon a rupee, which the Merchants do allow them, and they 
are not to take nor the Merchants allow anything more upon pain of 
being discharged the employment, both the payer and receiver, and the 
said Dustore mony shall be divided by the Chief and Councill of the 
respective Factorys to the said house Banians, Writers, Podars, Tagad- 
geers and Yackeels, if they do not agree it among themselves, except at 
Dacca, where there being occasion of great expence for a Yackeel the 
chief Yackeel there shall be allowed what the Chief and the Councill of 
the Bay shall Judge convenient in case the Dustore mony on that 
investment be not sufficient for his maintenance. 


The Saltpetre provided at Pattna is to be dryed before weighed off 
from the Merchants, and not to take moist with allowance for it, and 
it is to be sent down as it comes in by 3 or 4 boats Loaden at a time, 
and not at all kept to the last, which hath proved very prejudicial!, the 
like to be observed in sending the goods from other Factorys, that all be 
not kept to the last, but sent away as soon as they are packed to prevent 
the ill consequence of a stop or any loss of time upon the dispatch of 
the ships. 


Packing and packing iiuf. 

The packing stufE is in all the Factorys to be bought at the Cheapest 
to hand with the Compa'- mony, the account thereof to be kept as 
appointed in the orders of the 3rd November 1676, and neither the 
Warehouse Keeper or any other is to have any advantage thereby. The 
tickets put into the bales by the Warehouse Keepers are to be attested 
by such persons as are in the Factorys that can be spared to see that 
the quantitie therein packed be according to the ticket. 

The ricer sloops. 

The sloops and the vessells that bring up the treasure from the ships 
are to be orderd not to sail in the river in the night time when there is 
treasure on board of them. 

Regulations for Civil Ser cants. 

It being necessary to settle and appoint orders for the CiviU 
Government of the Factorys a paper of such orders as are made at the 
Fort [i.e., Madras] to be observed by people in civill employments there 
is now with some alterations agreed upon as enterd hereafter and 
orderd to be observed in all the Factorys in the Bay under the pains 
and penaltys thereiu expressed, with orders signed by the Agent and 
Councill, are to be sent to the respective factorys enterd in the Con 
saltation Books affixed up in the offices there, and in the Chappell here.* 

The places, stations and employments of all the Comps. servants 
in the severall factorys in the Bay being debated, is agreed and orderd as 
in the List to be enterd hereunder, and every person that is not now in 
the employment as is therein appointed is to be order'd to remove and 
take charge of the same immediately after the departure of the ships 
and within the month of January next. 

Copies of these regulations to be sent to out-stations. 

The Begulations and orders are to be coppyed and sent to there 
respective Factorys for their punctuall observation and complyance 
therewith, and it is to be observed that these orders are not intended 
to invalidate those regulations made at Cassumbazar in November 1676 
otherwise than is expressed here, and these orders with those made at 
Cassumbazar 1676 if not allready done are to be enter'd in the diarys 
of the respective Factorys. 

^ i.e. in Hugli. For these regxilations, see ante pp. 68, 69. 

894 early english accounts of bengal. 

Further Eegulations for the Bay of Bengal. 
At a consultation held in Cassumbazar, December 2nd, 1679. 

Silk of '"Europe" dye. 

For the regulating the Hon^^- Gompanys affairs in this factory it 
is resolved and order'd that the books kept for the Account Silk of 
Europe dye shall be so kept no longer, but that the accounts thereof 
be included in the books of accounts kept for the factory except the 
mony given on Badnee to ths Weavers, the particular account of which 
shall be kept in the Weavers books. 

The second in the Cassimhazar factor y to keep the silk accounts. 

That the second of the Factory shall keep the books wherein the 
accounts of the Weavers and Silk Merchants are distinctly kept (as well 
as the Factoiy Books) and ballance the same yearly, at the same time 
the factory books are ballanced, and one journall of the said Weavers 
books, shall be copyed every year and sent to Hugly to be sent to 

The third at Cassimhazar to he warehouse keeper. 

That the third of the factory shall keep all the warehouses and 
have all goods under his care and charge as well as the taffaties and 
silks, etc., relating to Europe dye as all other goods, and that in the 
Warehouse Books he do sett down the Eates and prices of all goods 
received and delivered, and summ up the same except the prises of 
taffaties which are sett down in the journall of the weavers' books. 
That the prices of the taffaties ^hall be written on every piece by the 
warehouse keeper (if he be otherwise employed by some other) as the 
Chief prises them, that thereby he may gain experience iu that affair 
and the Hon'^^®- Company be fully informed of the price paid for those 
goods, and that the price may not be known to others the figures of 
the annas may be placed fi.rst and the figures for the Eupees last and 
some alterations made afterwards, aa shall be thought fit, or as the 
Hon^''^* Company may advice. 

Pricing raw silk. 

That the raw silk brought in by the Picars shall be sorted in the 
Factory before it be prized, and at the prizing thereof, which is allways 
to be done by the Chief, second and third, the warehouse keeper shall 


look well to the putting of it back into the baggs, and to "vmte upon 
the bags the number of the sortment, and the name of the Merchant 
that so the weight of each sort as received in and deliver'd out may 
agree, and the warehouse keeper shall keep columns of the weight of 
each sort in the Leidger. 

Entrance to the warehouse. 

That the warehouse keeper shall suffer none to go into the ware- 
house where the raw silk is kept, but such as are in the Company's 
service, and no natives to go in there at auy time without an English- 
man, and no more of the Merchants' servants than one at a time whose 
silk is weighed off to prevent theft, and also deceit in changing and 
mixing the severall sorts of silk, the course with the fine, and therefore 
in shifting the bags before it is weighed, but one sort must be open'd 
at one time. 

Weighing raw silk. 

That the Eaw Silk shall be weighed out and packed for England at 
the same weight it is received in, that is at 71 Eups. sicca per seer, and 
that some English of the Factory do assist at the weighing of the silk 
in. and out, and of all other fine goods. 


That all the packing stuffs and materials for packing the Hon'ble 
Company's goods shall be bought with the Companys mony, and 
charged at the true price and an account of packing stuff be kept in the 
Books as was orderd in the regulations made the 3rd November 1676, 
and neither the "Warehouse Keeper (although he hath disbursed his own 
mony for such things, nor any other) shall have any advantage therein 
either this year or hereafter. An account of packing of 65 Xts [?] ^ 
Taffaties amounting to Es. 238-7, and 490 Bales of Silk amounting to 
Es. 1,262-13-7 and 1 Bale raw Taffaties Es. 6-12-9 for this year being 
now examined is approved. 

Deducticns on payments in current coin. 
In regard the Hon''^- Companys Treasure is a long time coinino- 
and they are in the intrim at the charge of interest for mony to carry 
on their investments, therefore to save the said charge it is resolved and 
ordered that upon all Peat (or currant mony) liups. which shall be paid 
either upon Dadnee, or afterwards out to the Silk Merchants or to the 

* Probably the word intended is " bales." 


Weavers in full of Accounts shall be deducted R. 1 an. j out of every 
100 Eupees at the time of the said payment, upon Sicca Eupees shall 
be deducted 2 Eups. per cent, and as much more as the Batta shall 
hereafter rise above 1 p. c, and gold mohars shall be charged 2 J ans. 
a piece more than the Bazar rates. , _ 

A.nd in regard its fitt to settle the summs to be impress'd or given 
for Dadnee upon goods it is order'd that for the first Dadnee upon every 
Bale of silk of 80 seer shall be given out 200 Eups. upon every Bale of 
Mucta [;mogfa] 100 Eups. and upon every ps. of fine TafEatie 4 Eupees, 
and no new Dadnee to be given before the former be brought in by the 
person indebted, and if any merchant or weaver that hath received the 
Company's dadnee shall deliver his goods to any other he shall not be 
further employed. 

Payment of native agents. 

It is also order'd that the Vackeels, the Mustuddys or writers, and the 
Tagadgeers, Dunneers or Overseers of the Weavers, and Pioars and 
Podars ^ shall from this day forward have no Monthly wages paid them 
upon the Honble Company's account, but they shall be contented with the 
Dustore mony of a quarter of an anna upon a Eupee which the merchants 
and weavers are to allow them, and they shall not allow anything more 
upon any pretence whatsoever, and the said Dustore mony shall be 
divided every year twice or of tener by the Cbief and Oouncill of the 
Factory amongst the said writers, Tagadgeers, Podars and Vackeels, and 
there shall be kept 5 or 6 writers, one to write and keep the Charges, 
a Taffatie measurer and weigher, two podars, four or five Tagadgeers, 
basides Poons imployed therein,, one Vackeel for Persia writing, and one 
to go fco and fro of messages upon occasion, and these and others more 
or less as shall be found necessary by the Chief, etc., are to be paid 
out of the Dustore mony. 

Information of these regulations to he given to the native agents. 

And that the Merchants, etc., may know what to trust to and not 
surprised or think they are imposed on by the Chief of the Factory, 
when they shall come to receive the Dadnee, it is thought fit to send 
for such of the Merchants, Weavers, Writers, etc., as are in and about the 
Factory and acquaint them with what herein concerns them, and that 

> i.e., vakils, mutasaddls, and the tagSdagirs, and paikara and podars. The 
rigin of the word dunneei' or dumier is obscure. 


from this day forward these orders are to be observed in this Factory, 
which was done accordingly. 

New Buildings. 
The throwing House being made of mud walls and coTcrd with 
Thatch is falling do^s^-n although but lately set up, and there being 
many other buildings about the factory of mud and thatch ■which put the 
Company to continual great Charge of repairs often falling and oftener 
burning down, and endanger the goods and whole buildings, it is order'd 
that the throwing house and the Weaving house be built of brick 
within the compound of the Factory, and not at such a distance as the 
further end of the garden, that the Factory be walled about with 
a brick wall, and the Kitchen, and as many small outhouses as are 
necessary for the accomodation of married People be built of bricks, 
which are now cheap, and that convenient room be sett apart for an office 
for writing busings in which books and papers are to be carefully laid 
up in presses made for that purpose, and the said room is never to be 
diverted to any other use. 

Measures for Cassumbazar eilk. 

The Weights of Cassumbazar the Company buys silk by are vizt. — 
By the Seer which is 71 Sicca Rups. and 40 Seers in that weight, as 
well as in all other makes a maund, but the silk called Bunga, which 
is bought by the Surat merchants, is bought by the Seer 77 Tolas or 
Sicca Eups. The sort of silk bought by the Comp. is called Tanna 
[? Tassarj. 

At Cassumbazar they have 3 crops or Bunds wliich are in November, - 
March, and July. 

Note, the June or July Bund for raw Silk is aUways course. 

Note, that most or all the Silks in Cassumbuzar, that is, all the 
Taffaties are bought by the piece of 20 Coveds long and 2 broad, and 
the first soit to weigh 48 to 5u Sicca Kups. and so they go, declining 
about 2 or 3 Sicca Rupees in a sort for 5 or 6 sorts. 


From Bengal.^ 
Rice, Ojl, Butter, Cassumber, Cummin seeds, white. 
1 Bambo for 8 ms. is accounted dear, when shijs come from Surat 
may yield 3 ms. [mace] this place may spend 40 Bahar.- 

1 British Museum, Add. MSS. 34, 123, p. 29. 
' i.e., bahar, a load. 


Quentry, Metty, Saffron^ dry, worth 3 bamboos per 1 mace. 

? Herba Doce 10 Bebar.i 

Dry Ginger worth 1 Bamboo per mace. 

? CoUonghee worth 3 „ per mace. 

? Adjevan, 8 Bamboos per mace. 

Mustard 4 „ per ms. 

Cotton 1 ms. per Bamboo. 

Lack worth 3 Tale^ per Bahar when plenty. 

Iron 2^ Tale per Bahar. 

Cossaes 1 yd. and 4 fingers broad fine and ordinary 50 Gorge 
May vend. 

Elatches 40 or 50 Gorge. 

Tafiates, red, most esteemd 20 Oovds. long and as broad as Cossaes 
150 Gorge or 200 Gorge. 

Chucklaes about 50 Gorge. 

Doreas about 15 Gorge. 

Hummums of all sorts, if [you] sell 30 Gorge, [it] is much. 

Sannoes, fine, etc., about 30 Gorge. 

Ophium when no ships go from Bengali to Malacca. Sells well. 

Gingerlee \_jinjali\ OyP more esteemed than Mustard seed. 

Soosies from 15 to 20 Tale per Gorge. 

Bomalls 60 or 70 Gorge, ordinary sort best. 

Eaw silk, white, 125 Tale per Bahar, about 2 Bahars may sell. 

Goods from Bengali prqoer for the Coast of Cormandell,^ 

Anno 1684. Es. as. 

Ophium Cost ... ... ... 80 per md. 

Canch ... ... ... 2 8 „ „ 

Bees' Wax ... ' ... ... 19 „ „ 

P Elgaram ... ... ... 12 „ „ 

Cummin seeds ... ... ... 2 8 „ „ 

Black Cummin seeds ... ... 10 „ „ 

Dry ginger ... ... ... 2 „ „ 

Turmerick ... ... ... 10 „ „ 

Wheat ... ...' ... 8 „ „ 

Taffiteaa 20 Covds. long and 2 do. broad 6 „ piece. 
Ditto ordinary 18 Covds. long and If 

do. broad .., ... ... 4 8 „ „ 

* I do not understand this passage. 

* Tael, the Chinese ounce, also a coin which was onco worth 6*. Sd. 
' Oil of the sesamum indicum. 

* Add. MSS. 34, 123, pp. 36, 37. 



Anno 1684. 
Gold flower' d Jemmewars ... ••• 

Silver flower'd ditto 
Silver Rasters 8 Covds. long 3 do. broad 
Gold Basters 8 Covds. long 3 do. broad 
Silver Rasters 2 J Covds. broad and 8 long 
Gold Easters ... ... • ... 

Atlasses Striped I5 Gov. broad J4 

Gov. long 
Birds' Eye Atlass 9 Gov. long 1| broad... 
Butter ... M* 

Ojle of Mustard seed 
Pittumbers 15 Gov. long and 2 do. broad 
Chunder bannies, 1^ Co. broad and 10 Co. 

Pittumbers, 10 Gov. long and 11 broad ... 
Chunder bannies, 14, Co. long, If broad... 
Drys, 14 Co. long and 2 do. broad 
Pegu Clouts, Spotted ... ... 

Silk Lungees ... ... 

Boys' Sashes, 6 Go. long, f Go. broad .,. 

Do. ,, 4 ,t ,1 ^ ,« yy ... 

Drys, 10 Co. long, 1| broad ... 
Eudder bannes Clouts, 14 Co. long, 2 
do. broad ... ... 

Lunge[e] Elatches 

Floretta Yarn or Mucta Imogtd] first sort 

Second Sort ditto ... ... 

Punga Silk, Head and Belly ... 
Mugga Silk (will not do.) ... 

Rs. , 



per piece. 
























































. II 







40 „ „ 

5 8 per seer. 
4 12 „ „ 
2 14 „ „ 
1 8 „ „ 

Goods proper to send from the Bay of Bengali to the Coast of 
Cormandel, Anno 1684.^ 

Eaw Silk is a staple commodity all along the Coast ; 300 bales 
of 2 maunds each may vend yearly. 

Sugar Tissindy^ 3,000 bales of 2 maunds 5 seer will vend yearly. 

Long Pepper 7,000 maunds per ann. 

Salt Petre 2,000 to 3,000 maunds per ann. 

Tumerick 1,500 maunds per ann. 

Cotch,^ a commodity which seldom fails, 400 maunds per ann. 

> Add. MSS. 34, 123, p. 37, reverse. 
" Tissinda or fine sugar. 

^Apparently the cosfus or putchock, a fragrant root exported to Malay 
countries and China where it is used to make jostles. 


Dammer or Pitch 400 maunds per ann. 

Ophium 50 to 60 maunds. 

Several sorts of pieoe-goods from Cassumbazar, i.e- 


Chamberbann ?s. 

Taliiteas of several sorts. 

riowerd Lungees. 

Several sorts of Silk. 
Soosies, a few. 
Elatches, a few. 

Imports to Bengal. 
Goods proper for the Bay from the Coast. Anno 1684, viz.— 

Copper, Tutanague,^ Tyn in Pigs and Grants.^ 

Chank '^Camkh'], a vast quantity will sell. 

Betle nut. 


Some sorts of Chints. 

Girdles and Sasbes of Maslepatam. 

The first Dutch ships arrive in the Bay about the latter end of 
June. They come from Batavia with Spices, Copper, Tutanague, Tinn, 
and Sandalwood, and are dispatch'd in October to Batavia with goods 
proper for Europe to send on other ships. 

The second fleet comes in September from Batavia and Zelone. 
Those from Zelone with Chank, Beetlenut, and Cinamon ; they are dis- 
patch'd the latter end of November and December, partly with the 
remaining goods of that year's - investments, and to compleat the rest 
of their loading with Eice, Wheat, Butter, Oyl, Gram^ and several 
sorts of Grain, and Hoggs, etc., for their Garrisons. 

The third fleet comes through the Straights of Malacca and arrive 
in January. These come coraonly from Jappan and load back with 
provisions for their garrisons. 

' Port tutenaga, xised to mean Chiaese " white copper," also to mean zinc or 

2 Ganza, fr. Malay gangsa, fr. Sansk, kansa, bell-metal. The metal which 
constituted the inferior cuxTency in Pegu, which some call lead and others a 
mixed metal. 

' Port grdo, grain. In India it is used to mean the kind of vetch which is 
the common j;rain-food of horses. 


Buildings in Bengali} 

At Bengali they want builders, not having near so good as upon 
the Coast, they want here good planks, but have good knee timber and 
indifferent good iron. 

Bakon's Accovnt of Bengal and Madras.' 

" Fort St. George, June 1695/' 

The presidency of Fort St. George (including Bengali) is at present 
the most considerable to the English nation of all their Settlements 
in India, whether we respect it in reference to the trade to and from 
Europe, or the Commerce from one part of India to the other. The 
usual Cargo from China is Tutanague, Sugar, Sugar Candy, China 
Hoot, Quick Silver, China Ware, Copper, Gold, AUom, Some few Silks, 
and Toys. Their price in Madras this year, viz. — Tutanague 24 to 25 
pag*- per Candy ,^ Copper 60 to 62 pags per Candy, China Eoot 12 to 18 
pag*- per Can^-, last year worth 30 to 40 do.. Sugar 12^ to 13 pag" 
per Can^ , Sugar Candy 21 to 22 pags per Can^-, Allom Nankeen 
10 pag to 12 do., Amoy 8 to 10 pags per Candy, Quick Silver 60 to 65 
pags per pecull.* The Coast and Bay are so well provided with China 
goods that I believe upon the arrival of next ships they will hardly 
yield so much by 10 p. cent., for which I ascribe the following reasons, 
viz. — That Bengali is glutted with metalls of all sorts, that the last 
troubles and famine on the Coast of Gingerlee discourages sending any 
down thither, and that the continuing devastations committed daily by 
the Moors and Morattaes hinder their free passage into the Inland 
Countrys on this side. The usual freight from China, viz., Sagar, 
Allom, Sugar Candy, Gallingal, China Eoot, Cubebs,^ Anniseeds, &c., 
are accounted Gross goods and pay 25 p c, Tutanague and Copper 
20 p. c. Baw and wrought silk. Quicksilver, Vermilion, Musk, and 
Camphor are fine goods and pay 15 p. c. and Gold 7 or 8 p. c. 

The scarcity of rain hath increased the trade to Bengal, but the 
plentifull season of rain will (its hoped) put a stop thereto, for surely 
there can be no advantage more uncomfortable than that which arrises 

» Add, MSS. 34,123, p. 39, reverse. 

' ii , p. 40, reverse. 

' Candy, a weight equal to about 600 lbs., fr. Mar. ihandi. 

* PiJcul, a man's load. 

* The fruit of the pifer cuheba used as a spice. 



from the poverty and misery of the poor, tho it may be as well charity 
as interest to deal therein at some time. 

The usual freight and price of Bengali goods, viz. — Fine Piece 
Goods, which are Mulmuls, Tanjebs, Cossaes, Doreas, Talfiteas, Jemewars, 
Soosees, Sanoes &c., pay 4 and 4| p. o freight, and seldom gain 
above 10 p. c. clear of charges, many times not that. Gurrahs, 
Sailcloth, and Cambays pay 8 p. c. This year Sadcloth sold for 
pags 13 per Gorge, Gurrahs of 36 Ooveds Pagodas 15| to 16. Tatfiteas 
of 18 Coveds 32 to 35 pag per Gorge, ditto of 20 Ooveds 37 to 38. 
Soosees of 50 Coveds from 50 to 55 (the last year worth 60), but no 
man can proportion these which rise and fall according to fancy and use, 
but the most rational and probable method is judging by the foregoing 
rate as a medium. Sugar pays f Pagoda freight per bale. Butter and 
Oyl pag*- 1, and sometimes I5 per jar. The camp in our neighbour- 
hood and countries adjoining alters the price of goods very much. 
But should there be brought up any large quantity of goods of sugar 
this year, upon the anival of the expected ships from China, the market 
would be glutted so as to occasion the sending a vessel or two to Persia 
in September, which indeed often proves a happy necessity ; for being 
the first that can arrive by two mouths, they have a double advantage 
in the sale of their goods there and the return hither. Because the 
sugar in Bengali coming from the country so late as November prevents 
an early dispatch and cannot in any wise disappoint those that go 
immediately from Madrass. 

Freight of goods from Madrass to Persia, viz., Tissinda or fine 
Bengali sugar and Sugar Candy 18 p. cent. China and Java Sugars 
20 p. 0. and all Bussora or Course Bengali Sugars 23 p. c. Eomalls,, 
Cossaes, etc. Fine goods 7 to 10 p. c. Pegu stick laque yields a great 
price, but cannot be permitted on freight being so extremely bulky. 
The returns, viz.. Gold (being either Chequeens, Goldbars, Ibrains [?]) 
pay freight per cent. Syrash wine of Abassees per cheat. Fruit of 
abassees per matt bagg each qt. 38 Mds. Tabrees, each Md. Tabrees 
being 6f lb. and where it exceeds to allow per rate. The general custom 
is to pay the said freight in Persia. 

Our correspondence with Aoheen is in a manner broke of, for since 
the scarcity of rice first, and now of slaves, the dearness of cotton and 
the manufactures of this country (that place being supplyd from Surat 
at much cheaper rates than can be afforded from hence) its accidental 
that any vessel goes from this coast thither ; except when having had 
arge quantitys of ophium from Bengal and worth but 12 or 13 pags 


per md., it may be adventured, tho it is a very uncertain commodity. 
The great gains or disappointment depending upon the Java fleet's 
arrival and the quantity they shall have occasion to buy up to carry with 
them to their respective ports. 

From Fort St. David and this place have gone two or three small 
vessels to Queda, carrying blew commissees, morees, and long cloth and 
some of each sort white with a small parcel of ophium, tho I 
believe they'll make but a poor voyage, considemg that the staple 
commodity of the port, tin, is hardly worth 28 pags per Candy and 
for dammer, rattans, etc., notwithstanding the profit is great, yet in 
respect of the small \alve and bulkiness of these goods are hardly worth 
the bringing. 

The trade to Pegu is not very great, the chief design of sending 
ships thither being to repair them, though the goods they carry many 
times turn to account ; but on the returns if the merchant can save 
himself he fares very well. Thin Betteelaes, commonly call'd Pegu 
Batteelaes, are the proper commoditys for that courtry, as are likewise 
Madrass paintings, the price differing according to the fineness and 
goodness of their several sorts, of the Bettelaes we commonly 
proportion three, the first 20 to 22 pag. per corge, the second or 
middle 13 to 14, and the ordinary course sort 8 to 10 pag per corge. 
Of the paintings are various sorts and fineness, the ordinary clouts 
are double chequer'd Cambays and popleys being either red or mixt 
red black or blew, and cost from 18 to 20 pag. per corge. The better 
sort are good [?] dray or colours on fine longcloth, Morees, or Percollaes, 
and we proportion them at 1 and 1 J more than the value of their respec- 
tive cloth when brown, and cleared from the choulky, according to 
the notes received from thence. Freight paid out and home is 
generally 5 p.c, and returns this year yielded viz. Tyn 27 pags per 
Candy, Elephant's teeth small 45 pag per Candy, from 30 to 20 teeth 
to the Candy, 50 pags, of 16 to 20 teeth 60 pags, from 16 to 10 
teeth, 65 pags., and under that number 70 to 75 pagodas per Candy. 
HartolU or arsenick 32 pagodas gants of the best sort 13, do. ordinary 
7, and lead 6. The gants as being the country money is prohibited 
exportation under severe penaltys, therefore very seldom in any 
quantities brought away. How be it this year there was found a 
contrivance to run and conveigh £0 much as never was known before 
to come over in one season. 

' Harial or haritalf yellow arsenic. 


I have little occasion to speak of the trade on the west coast of 
Sumatra, where you are far better acquainted than I can pretend to ; 
therefore shall only offer that prosperous voyages may be made thither 
both from Surat and hence as well by the manufacture of both places 
sold there as the returns in pepper, gold, Benjamin,^ camphir, etc. 

Samuell Baron. 

' A kind of incense got from the resin of the styrax benzoin. 

Beg. No,818J— 500—28-11-95. 


Abassees, 402. 
'Abdu-1 Fa?l, 298. 
'Abdu-1 Gani, 96, 97. 
'Abdu-r-Rahim, 348, 349. 
Abu-1 Fa?!, 4. 
Accountant, 62, 805. 
Accounts, 385, 386. 

- of the Company's servants, 387. 

of English Company, 2:J0, 227, 

229 231 

of Old Company, 219, 226, 229, 


Acheen, 346, 402. 
AchUles, 100. 

Acton, Richard, 330, 363, 364. 
Adams, Abr., 186, 191, 240, 275, 279, 288, 
289, 290, 292, 299, 301, 302, 306, 307, 
310, 324. 
Adams, Rev. Ben., 200, 201, 203, 204, 214, 
215, 229, 235, 256, 258, 262, 263, 272, 
274, 275, 277, 350, 
Adams, Wm., 31L 321. 
Addison. Gulston, 325, 360. 
Adi Ganga, 129, 130, 133, 134, 135. 
/Abdu.B Samad, 108, 110, 114. 
Admii-al, 329. 
Agamemnon, 100. 
Agarpara, 133. 
AfBeck, 371, 373. 
Afghans, 147, 148, 149. 
Agha Muhammad Zaman, 7, 8, 241 . 
Agra, 23, 172, 173, 178, 287, 376, 378, 879, 

Ahmadnagar, I7l. 
Ain-i-Akbari, 4, 137. 
Akbar, 134, 135. 
AJchbdrnavlt, news-writer, 259. 
Akhund, teacher, instructor, 300, 301, 307, 

315, 317. 
Akna, 131. 

*llam .Shah : tee Shah 'Alam, 290. 
Albermarle Ship, ^&J. 
'Ali Bakhsh, 349. 
'Ali Raza, 242, 346. 
Allahal»d, 80, 

Alleja or Aldcha.sHYk cloth from Turkestan, 
with a wavy line pattern down either 
Bide, 17, 398, 400. 
Alley, Capt., 74. 
Allowances, 239, 249. 
Alum, 401. 

Alodtu, shawl cloth, 255. 
Amber, 379. 
Ambua, 130. 
Amethyst trade, 125. 
Amen Corner, 330. 
Amiru-l-Umara, premier prince, 241, 
Amoy, 401. 

Amusements, 64. 

Anantarama, the Company's broker, 55, 85, 

Anantarama, a slave, 351. 

Anderson, Rev. Wm., 214, 215, 256, 257, 

258, 274, 317, 318. 
Anna Ketch, 239. 
Anna Ship, 3C8. 
Anniseed, 401. 
Antelope Ship, 154. 
Arabia, 123, 140. 
Aracanese, 18. 
Arreanes, 53. 

Arakan, 34, 49, 54, 119, 121, 122, 134. 
Arbuthnot, Capt., 96, 
Ariadaha, 131. 
Armagaon, 20. 

Armenians, 125, 137, 144, 150, 205, 370, 379. 
Arrack, 17. 66, 146, 256, 276. 
Asad Khan. 125, 172, 241, 281. 
Asalat Khan, 23. 
Ash, Mrs. Domingo, 146, 207, 256, 276, 295, 

Athdri, money due in the month of Ashdr 

or July, 221, 222. 
Ashby, Capt. Steph., 115. 
Ashe, Sir Joseph, 67. 
Assam, 8, 35. 
Assuria, 348, 349. 
Atlas, satin, 399. 
Aw^, early rice, 285. 
Augustine Bay, 377. 
Augustinians, 143. 
Aurangabad, 174, 184. 

Aurangzeb, 8, 34, 48, 78, 90, 93, 99, 101 
107, 122, 139, 140, 141, 148, 153, 160. 
168, 171, 180, 184, 212, 232, 241, 280. 
281, 380. 
Aurungzele Ship, 368. 
Austin, John, 368. 
Austin, W., 16. 
Averilla Ship, 368. 
A'zam, 78. 
A'zam Shah, 171, 172, 173, 174, 177, 178 

241, 281, 287. 
'A8imu-8h Shan, 148, 149, 150, 161, 168, 173 
177, 178, 180, 181, 182, 186, 190, 200* 
233, 240, 282. 296, 297, 298, 299, 300 
301, 307, 309, 320, 329, 342. 

Bad language fined, 265. 
Bafta, woven, a kind of fine calico, 255. 
Bahadur Khan, 105, 118, 119, 121, 122 123 
Bahar, a load, 397, 398. ' 

Baihtkbandar, Happy Harbour, a name for 

the port of Hagli, 259. 
BakhshI, military paymaster, 236, 238 247 

275, 279, 299, 329, 332, 340. 
Bakuya, 137. 



Balasor, 12, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 25, 27, 
31, 32, 33, 34, 47, 48, 53, 55, 56, 57, 58, 
66, 73, 84, 90, 99, 106, 107, 115, 120, 
121, 137, 154, 170, 186, 242, 245, 254, 
332, 381, 382, 383, 384, 388, 391. 

Balasor, old, 106. 

Balchand, 74, 75, 79, 82, 89. 

Balikuda, 2, 4, 

Balkh, 8. 

Bamboo, 397, 898. 

Bandel, 61. 

Bandoleer, 95. 

Banjar, 308, 365. 

Bankibazar, 130. 

Banksall, office of the Harbour Master, 348. 

Banister, 16. 

Banquet to the English, 12, 13. 

Bantam, 10, 33, 377. 

Banyan, broker, 59, 392. 

Baptism, 318. 

Baqir Khan, 8. 

Baramal, 98, 99. 

Barabati Fort, 2, 7. 

Baranagar, 54, 98, 133, 205. 

Barbakpur, 137. 

Barbara, 340, 

Barber for the factory, 389. 

Barker, John, 339. 

Barker, Richard, 86. 

Baron, Samuel, 401, 404. 

Baruipur, 131. 

Barr, 268. 

Barracks, 197, 214, 327. 

Bassorah, 402. 

Bastion, N. W., 211, 212, 282, 283. 

Bastion, S. W., 214, 212, 282. 

Batavia, 400. 

Bateman, Thos., 48. 

Batta, discount on short weight coins, 220, 

221, 223, 224, 225, 376, 391, 396. 
Battelaes, piece-goods, 403. 
Battery, 96, 106, 107, 108. 

Bay, 19, 24, 31, 32, 56, 58, 61, 66, 68, 71, 
72, 86, 87, 88. 89, 91, 107, 114, 115, 
120, 124, 137, 368, 385, 392, 393, 400, 

Bayne, Boskell, 211, 212. 

Bazar, Calcutta, 193, 196, 220, 223, 284, 286. 

Beard, Charles, 160. 

Elizabeth, 160. 

John, 1, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 93, 94, 


John, II, 146, 160, 154, 156, 157, 

169, 160, 161, 162, 163, 167, 187. 211, 

222, 232, 233, 235, 236, 238, 248, 265, 
267, 345, 346, 350, 369, 370, 371, 372. 

Mary, 160, 369, 373. 

Beatrice, 301. 

Beaufort, D. F., 365, 

Beaufort Ship, 94, 96, 97, 106, 109. 

Beaufort Sloop, 115. 

Beckford, Thomas, 368. 

Bedar Bakht. 172, 173, 174, 242. 

Bedford Ship, 370. 

Beer, 63. 

Bees- wax, 53, 58, 398. 

Beetle, 226, 284, 400. 

Belda, 104. 

Belly, second quality silk, 26, 376. 

Benares, 379. 

Bencoolen, 308, 319, 368. 

Bengal, 1, 3, 16, 17, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 29, 
31, 32, S3, 34, 35, 38, 39, 41, 45, 46, 47, 
48, 52, 56, 57, 58, 59, 65, 71, 79, 83, 84, 
88, 89, 94, 95, 98, 99, 102, 113, 114, 115-, 
116, 117, 118, 123, 124, 130, 134, 136, 
139, 143, 144, 155, 161, 168, 169, 178, 
180, 182, 185, 206, 321, 365, 398, 401, 

Benjamin, a kind of incense, 404. 

Berkley, Isaac, 340. 

Berners, Joseph, 335. 

Betai Chandi, 131. 

Betor, 54, 128, 130, 131, 133, 134, 135, 137. 

Bhadre9var, 130. 

Bhagalpur, 130. 

Bhagwangola, 149. 

Bhang, 108, 109. 

Bhatpara, 130. 

Bhutan, 378. 

BibiPerl, 81. 

Bidipore, 326. 

Bihar, 53, 93, 182, 321. 

Bijapur, 171, 174. 

BiUedge, Thos., 28, 381. 

Billiard Table, 141. 

Bindrabun, 199. 

Binns, Elizabeth, 201. 

Bipradas, 130, 131, 133. 

Black Collector, 195, 196. 

Black subordinates, 313, 314, 345. 

Blacon, John, 368. 

Blair, Capt., 386, 387. 

Blake, Wm., I, 25, 27, 28. 

Blake, Wm., II, 38, 41, 45, 381. 

Blenheim Ship, 368. 

Blount, Samuel, 186, 190, 310, 314, 323, 331, 
332, 337, 338, 339, 342, 364. 

Blow, Thomas, 368. 

Blunderbusses, 74, 372. 

Blunt, John, 115. 

Boats obstructed by local rulers, 34, 80, 146, 
168, 169, 182, 277, 307, 319, 330. 

Bolton, 360. 

Bombay, 41, 42, 89, 90, 122, 320, 368. 

Bombay Ship, 367. 

Books of the Companies, 244. 

Boone, Charles, 235, 240. 

Boro, 130. 

Boucher, Benjamin, 162, 191, 227, 237, 238. 

243, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 252, 

- 258, 266, 268, 352, 353, 355, 356, 357, 

358, 360, 361, 362, 363, 373. 
Boughton, Gabriel, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28. 
Bouverie Ship, 368. 
Bowridge, 229, 247. 
Bowridge, Elizabeth, I, 92, 350, 351. 
Bowridge, Elizabeth, II, 350. 
Boyd, 350. 
Braces, 53, 89. 

BraddyU, 117, 119, 121, 141, 146. 
Brahmans, 284, 285, 286. 



Bridgeman, Ja3., 24, 25, 27, 28, 32, 381. 

Bridges, 381. 

Bridges, Shem, 45. 


British Law, 38. 

Broad Street, 214. 

Broker, 18, 27, 52, 55, 63, 250, 332. 

Brooke, Capt., 124, 

Brookhaven, Capt. J., 24, 381. 

Browne, Elizabeth, 328, 329, 335. 

Bruton, Wm., 2, 3, 7, 16, 18. 

Bryant, Humphrey, 368. 

Buccaneering piece, 331, 

Budgero, 80, 317. 

Bugden, Charles, 364. 

.. Cornelia, 364. 

Edward, 364. 

Theophila, 364. 

William, 170, 191, 235, 275, 276, 

278, 279, 280, 281, 288, 289, 292, 294, 
306, 315, 316, 317, 324, 326, 338, 363, 

Builders wanted in Bengal, 401. 

Buildings inside Fort William, 213. 

Buildings, irregular, forbidden, 280. 

Bull, Mr., 365. 

Bund, a crop of silk, 397. 

Burabalang R., 106, 120. 

Burdwan, 147, 148, 149, 150. 

Borhampur, 153. 

Buriganga, 81. 

Busby, 3, 

Butcher, Samuel, 337. 

Butter, 16, 61, 378, 379, 380, 399, 400. 

Bysack, G. D., 129. 

Bysacks, 54, 59, 128, 134, 137, 189, 199. 


Cabul, 171. 

Csesar, a slave boy, 336. 

Cajsar, Frederick, 54, 132. 

Calcutta, 31, 54, 56, 59, 92, 99, 102, 104, 
116, 117, 118, 127, 129, 130, 131, 134, 
140, 147, 149, 150, 154, 162, 164, 
169, 170, 174, 177, 179, 183, 186, 
187, 190, 191, 192, 193, 205, 206. 

Calvert, John, 181, 223, 235, 272, 277, 293, 
302, 32G, 333, 335, 338, 339, 341, 
346, 351, 352, 353, 355, 356, 357, 
363, 364. 

Cambays, piece-goods, 403. 

Camels for the Chief, 889. 

gamkh, a large kind of shell prized bv the 
Hindus, 376, 389, 400. 

Camphor, 401, 404. 

Candles allowed only to the Chief, Council, 
Chaplain, and Surgeon, 390. 

Candlesticks as presents, 226. 

Cape of Good Hope, 203, 323, 377 

Carlton Ship, 368. 

Camatic, 29, 31. 

Cartwright, Ralph, 3, 4, 6, 11, 16, 17, 19, 31, 
241, 380. 

Cary, Mrs., 342. 

Carye, Robert, 337. 

Cash balances, 387. 

Cassimbazar, 28, 33, 39, 48, 52, 53, 55, 56^ 
57, 71, 72, 79, 85, 86, 88, 92, 93, 94, 
118, 148, 161, 170, 178, 183, 272, 273, 
277, 278, 290, 293, 318, 320, 329, 375, 
376, 377, 379, 385, 388, 391, 393, 394, 

Cassimbazar Sloop, 251. 

Cassumber, 397. 

Qastri, Pandit Haraprasad, 130. 

Cateral, John, 326. 

Catherine Galley, 368. 

Cawthorpe, 181, 233, 235, 281, 282, 287, 
289, 293, 306, 309, 313. 

Ceylon, 400. 

Chdbuk, whip, 168. 

Chakravarti, Babu Manmohan, 5. 

Chanbal, R., 172. 

Chamberlain, 53. 

Champdapi, 130. 

Champion, William, 240. 

Chinak, 131. 

Chanakiad, 101, 102. 

Chandannagar, 54, 96, 101, 147, 148, 

Chandrakona, 380. 

Chand Sadagar, 130, 131, 133. 

Chapel at Hugli, 393. 

Chaplain, 62, 67, 68. 

Charges, general, 387, 

Charlemagne, 100, 101. 

Charles I„ 19. 

Charles II., 38, 41, 42, 

Charles II. Ship, 144. 

Charles and Betty Sloop, 227, 229, 231, 347. 

Chamock, Job, 33, 71, 72, 79, 81, 83, 85, 86, 
87, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98, 99, 
100, 101, 106, 108, 109, 110, 113, 114, 
116, 117, 118, 120, 121, 123, 124, 125, 
127, 140, 141, 143, 143, 189, 203, 

Chamock, wife, 92, 93. 

Charter, 32, 38, 145, 151. 

Chauki, watch-house, often the watch itself, 
277, 314, 403, 

Chequeens, 375, 

Chhatrabhog, 131, 

Chief and Council at Hugli, their responsi- 
bilities, 390, 

Chiefs of subordinate factories, their respon- 
sibilities, 390. 

Child, Capt., 346. 

Child, Capt., Francis, 314, 316, 325, 365, 

Child, Mrs. Susan, 302. 

Child, Sir Josuah, 84. 

China, 125, 368, 378, 401, 402. 

China root, 401. 

Chinchamsaw, 381, 382, 383, 391. 

Chinsurah, 54, 61, 74, 137, 147. 

Chintz, 400. 

Chitpur, 129, 131, 133. 

Chittagong, 49, 89, 90, 114, 115, 116, 117 
118, 119, 121, 122, 132, 134, 136. 

Chittamundsaw, 381, 392, 383, 391. 

Chittermulsaw, 39].. 



Chitty, Josia, 186, 240, 26'^, 301, 806, 310, 
312, 314, 315, 317, 318, 324, 325, 326, 
332, 336, 337, 338, 339, 342. 
Chohdar, beadle, 236, 240, 292. 
Chowringee, 129, 
Chucklaes, piece-goods, 398. 
Chundm, prepared lime, used for fine polish- 
ed plaster, 222. 
Chnnderbannies, piece-goods, 399, 400. 
Chunee, a slave, 351, 
Churaghat, 131. 

Church, 214, 215, 216, 256, 263, 264, 265, 

271, 274, 275, 278, 317, 318, 319. 
Churchwardens, 342. 
Chuseman, 40, 43. 
Cinnamon, 400. 

giva, 5, 128, 199. 

Qivacharan, 180, 181, 298, 299, 300. 

Clarke, Jonathan, 368. 

Clapham, Thomas, 368. 

Clare, Henry, 339. 

Clavell, Walter, 42, 45. 57, 78, 381. 

Clansade, Thomas, 3:^8, 329. 

Clerk, 74. 

Clive.-Robert, 118. 

Cloth as a present, 253. 259, 260, 261, 292. 

Clothes worn by the English, 65, 206. 

Coaches drawn by oxen used by the English 
at Hugli, 65. 

Coast, 368. 

Coinage, 255, 322. 

Colchester Ship, 371. 

Cole, John I, 191, 268, 269, 270, 275. 

Cole, John II, 326, 3a3. 

Collector of Calcutta. 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 
195, 196. See Zamlnddr, 

Collet, Waterworth, 326. 333. 

Colley, Thomas, 3, 4, 15, 17. 

Company's garden, 54, 64, 79. 

Cook, Mr., 290. 

Cook, Sir Thomas, 365. 

Cooke, George, 368. 

Cooke, Gerard, 326, 333. 

Cooking in the English factory at Hooghly, 
63, 389, 390. 

Copper, its price, 219, 401. 

Corge. a score, 398, 402, 403. 

Cornell, Edward, 146. 

Cornwall, Henry, 368. 

Coromandel coast, 10, 19, 20, 23, 29, 31, 
39, 41, 87, 183, 377. 

Cossaes, see Khd?a. 

Costus, 399. 

Cotsworth, Michael. 326. 

Cotta warehouse, pricing warehouse, per- 
haps from Jcutdv estimating, 263, 312. 

Cotton yarn, 58, 255, 398. 

Court at London, 21, 24, 82, 38, 39, 42. 45, 
46, 47, 48, 51. 57, 58, 68, 71, 72, 78, 
89, 90, 93, 95, 113, 114, 115, 117, 118, 
124, 125, 145, 168. 

Court of Admiralty at Madras, 349. 

Court of Judicature to be established in Cal- 
cutta, 147. 

Court of Justice, 197, 253, 254, 267, 316, 
331, 339. 

Courten, Sir William, 19. 

Covid, a cubit, 16, 376, 384, 402. 

Cowcolly Light-house, 104. 

CowcoUy, R., 105. 

Coxe's, 237. 

Cromwell, 29, 32, 137. 

Crisp, Edward, 326. 

Crown Ship, 73. 

^uieb, fruit of the piper cuhela used as 

spice, 401. 
(?ubha Singha, 139, 147, 148, 211. 
Cummin seeds, 397. 
Cumneer Merchant, 115. 
Cunningham, 308. 

Cunya-pord, land lying waste, 284, 285. 
Curgenven, John, 351 to 360, 370. 
Curgenven, Rachel, 351 to 360. 
Curgenven, Thomas, 235, 240, 263, 352, 

359, 360, 370, 371, 373. 
Customer, 79. 

Customs, 4, 20, 34, 74, 79, 82, 220, 223, 232. 
Cutcherrie, 221. 
Cuttack, 2, 4, 6, 7, 15. 

Dacca, 35, 45, 49, 53, 58, 74, 75, 78, 79, 80, 
81, 62,90,94, 93,99, 111, 117, 119," 
120, 121, 123, 136, 145, 147, 183, 246, 
321 334, 370, 388, 392. 

Dadni, an advance made to tbe weavers, or 
craftsmen, 391, 395, 396. 

Ddk-chaukl, a posr, 114. 

Dakhinegvar, 133. 

Daksha, 128. 

Dalibar, Henry, 290, 326. 

Dammer, Javanese damar, pitch, 400, 403. 

Damodar, R., 104, 132. 

Danes, 9. 

Barhdr, a court or levee, 9, 10, 12, 168, 219, 
226, 234, 243, 24S, 329, 387. 

Dariapur, 104. 

Ddroghah, an inspector, 259, 260, 261, 321. 

Darrel, Edward, 240, 280, 289, 292, 293, 
294, 301, 302, 303, 306. 

Dartmouth Ship, 368. 

DastaJc, a passport or permit, 239, 246, 266. 

Dasturi, the customary commission, 392, 396. 

Daud, 349. , 

Daud Kban, 100. 

Davies, Thomas, 33. 

Dawes, William, 40, 41, 43. 

Day, Francis, 13, 20. 

Dean, Richard, 347, 348. 

-Deane, John, 235, 305. 

De Barros, 132. 

Debt, 254, 258. 

Ueccan, 101, 300. 

Defence Ship, 73, 84, 115, )20. 121. 

Delgardno, Alexander, 254, 265, 370. 

Delgardno, Matthew, 341. 

Delhi, 34, 93, 102, 105, 322, 172, 174, 184. 

Demeney. Dr. L., 302. 

Denham, Capt., 109. 

Derby Ship, 308. 

Deryeyes, piece-goods, 400, 


Dhalanda, 131. 

Dhanasthan, 131. 

Dhoha, a washerman, 59. 

Diamond Harbour, 104. 

Diamond Ship I, 20. 

Diamond Ship II, 115. 

Diamond Ship III, 149. 

Diamonds, 374. 

Diana, a slave girl, 336. 

Diaries, 236. 

Diet, 63, 205, 219, 226, 229, 231, 232, 234, 302, 

Dilasa, heart-hope, comfort, 18. 

Diligence Ship, 47. 

Dimity, 255. 

Dinner at midday, 63. 

Dvipchaud Bella, 250. 

Diseors^ Ship, 17. 

Dispatm Ship, 304, 367. 

Disputes about places in Council, 275. 

Dlwdn, Chief Financial Minister, Treasurer, 
222, 241, 242, 247, 252, 25S, 263, 266, 
268, 272, 274, 277, 278, 279, 282. 295, 
296, 297, 298, 299. 300, 301, 303, 307, 
324, 326, 327. *' 

Dolhdsh, interpreter, 59, 
Dobson, John, 3, 4. 
Dobyns William, 373. 
Dodd, Joseph, 83, 80. 
Dc^keeper for the Factory, 389. 
Dolben, John, 374. 
Dolbon Ship, 297. 
Dolleria perhaps Dilleria, silk for the Delhi 

market, 376. 
i>an>a double thread, striped muslin, 255 

:i59, 260, 261, 321, 398, 402. 
Domll, Captain, 73, 74, 144, 145 
Double stock, 21, 
Doubloons, 375. 
Dover Ship, 367. 
Drinking, QQ^ 69. 
Drum, 317. 

Drummer, 220, 223, 224, 225 
• >ry dock, 205. 

Drys^perhaps the same as deryeyes 399 
Durai, a prohibition, 15. 
Dunneers, 396. 

DuStUckmau], 292 

Dutch, 9, 19;' 24, 26, 27, 29, 32, 39 41 42 
47, 49, 54, 61, 66, 89, 97, 98, 137 148 
170. 180, 251, 258, 265, 270, 271 ' .sm' 
318, 32.), 323, 375, 400. ' 

Dutch garden, 73. 

Dutchess Ship, 237, 244, 254, 367, 368, 373. 

Edward and Dudley Ship 367 

Edwards, 308. 

Edwards, Richard, 383. 

Eikon Basilike, 33. 

Elatches probably allejas, which see, 379. 

l!-l lott, Captam, 47. 

Elliott, Eev. Richard, 57, 63. 

Ellis, Francis, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 124, 
140, 143, 144. 

Ems, Ralph, 240, 249, 353. 

Bnergie Ship, 115, 120. 

English, 1,9, 10, 11, 12, 19, 20, 25, ?9, 31, 
32, 37, 38, 39, 48, 49, 52, 53, 65, 
84, 94, 97, 9^, 99, 101, 107, 108, 109, 
110, U!, 116, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 
137, 139, 141, 1 19, 150, 155, 158. 

English Company, 152, 158. 

English soldiers, 95, 96, 106, 107, 109, 143, 

Ensigns, 95. 

Escort. 278. 

Esquire, 338. 

Establishment charges, 389. 

Europe, as an adjective, 146, 394. 

Europa Ship, 368. 

Evance, Stephen, 374. 

Evans, Rev. John, 67, 89, 144, 145. 

Expenses of the Factory, 259, 302. 

Eyre, Charles, afterwards Sir Charles, 92, 117, 
119, 121, 113, 144, 145, 146, 147, 150, 
157, 159, 160, 200, 211, 223, 230. 

Eyre, John, 182, 240, 318. 

Eyre, Mary, 92, 144. 


Factors, 16. 

Factory, 63, 64, 296. 

Fairfax, William, 24. 

Falcon Ship, 58, 59. 

Falconer, Thomas, 326. 

Fanam, a small coin of South India, a silver 

Madras fanam being worth 2 pence 17 
Farangi, a Frank, G., 132. * ' 

Farmdish, requisition, 78. 
Farmdn, a grant signed by the Mc^ul, 15 
26. 27. 28, 82, 241, 300, 311,313, 329* 
Fiirmer, 3-i6. 

Farrukhsiyar, 186, 200, 342. 
Faujddr, commanding officer, military 
governor, 8, 307, 309, 332, 341, 352, 373 
Fazl Muhammad, 181, 300. 301, 315, 317. 
Feake, Samuel, 170, 235, 278, 280, 281, 350. 
Ferbome, James, 48. 
Ferracute, 101. " 
Ffoert. Hans. 309. 
Fidai Khan, 78. 
Fines, 6v<, 225, 314. 
Finch, Philip, 347. 
Fire in President Eyre's time, 230. 
Fish at Saugor, 53, 
Fitch, Ralph, 136. 
Flax, 378. 
Fleet Frigate, 372. 
Floretta yarn, 399. 
Floyd, John, 48. 
Foot, third quality silk, 26 376 
Fort, 2Q. 

Fort St. David, 266, 403. 
Fort St. Geoi^e, 20, 23, 32, 38, 39, 40 41 
42, 43, 47, 51, 56, 57, 58, 69, 72 122* 



Port WilHam, 102, 128, 139, 149, 157, 161, 
162, 169, 177, 178, 179, 183, 197, 198, 
210, 211, 212, 213, 238, 268, 280, 282, 
310, 311, 327, 365, 366. 

Poxcrof t, George, 39, 40, 41, 43, 44. 

Poxcroft, Nathaniel, 39, 41, 43. 

Frances Ship, 115. 

Frankland, 313. 

FredericTc Ship, 368. 

Free merchant, 262. 

Freight, 256. 

French, 47, 54, 124, 140, 233, 266, 320. 

Frigate, 94. 


Gandak, 63. 

Ganges, 24, 47, 56, 58, 80, 81, 89, 94, 103, 

115, 130, 132, 134. 
Gaiiruliii, 130. 

Oanza, a mixed metal, 400, 403. 
Garden Reach, 54, 59, 99, 128, 133, 137. 
Garrison, 197, 220, 245, 248, 313. 
Gary, Capt. Henry, 42. 
Gay, George, 154. 
Gawton, George, 33, 381. 
Germain, 373. 
Qhariyals, 389, 390. 
Ghoighat, 54, 62, 106, 251. 
Ghusuri, 131. 
Gibbon, 313. 

GifEord, William, 72, 87, 88, 89, 140. 
Ginger, 255, 398. 
Gingerlee, 401. 
Gingham, 384, 378. 
Girdles, 379, 400. 
Glessde, Robert, 335. 
Glover, Richard, 350. 
Goa, 42, 132, 133, 134. 
Godfrey, Edward, 568. 
GodolpUn Ship, 367, 368. 
Gold, 375, 404. 
Gold sold for rupees, 232. 
Gold mohur, 379, 385. 
GoldsboTO, Sir John, 141, 143, 144, 145. 
Golkonda, 8, 19, 181, 308, 311, 374. 
Gombroon, 346. 
Oood Hope Sloop, 107. 
Goodman, Samuel, 368. 
Gorbold, John, 115. 
Gough, Richard, 88. 
Godowns, 247. 
Government papers, 241. 
Governor of Hugli, 161, 170, 179, 180, 

181, 185, 239, 273, 298, 300, 301,303, 

307, 309, 316, 317, 319, 320, 331, 341. 
Govinda Sundar, 276, 295. 
Govindpur, 54, 59, 128, 129, 131, 135, 150, 

189, 190, 191, 194, 205, 222, 258, 284, 

286, 294. 
Gotoald, a cow-keeper, a guard of this caste, 

which was reputed to be strong and 

brave, 236, 240. 
Gram, a kind of grain, 400. 

Gray, 267. 

Great Thaua, 54, 99, 107, 110, 124, 148 

Griffith, 369. 
Gualior, 172, 174. 
Gullingah, 401. 
Gumashstahs, delegates, 298. 
Gumlack, 17. 
Gunner, 326, 331. 
Gunny, 377. 
Guns, 232, 279. 
Gumey, William, 21. 
Guzarat, 378, 379. 

Haidarabad, 107, 174. ^ 

HajT Sfifl Khan, 78, 241. • 

Hah'd-Jchor, a sweeper, 220, 223. 

Haldi R., 104. 

Ralifax Ship, 368. 

Halsey, Edward, 235, 240. 

Halsey, Elizabeth, 229. 

Halsey, 1h"athaniel, 157, 370, 372. 

Halstead, Matthias, 33. 

Hamilton, Alexander, 93, 192, 193, 200, 202, 

203, 204, 205, 206, 209, 210, 214, 302, 

Hampton, Captain, 146. 
Hampton, Captain John, 115. 
Hampton, Charles, 339. 
Harding, James, 85. 
Hardy, Joseph, 254. 
Hari9pur Gar, 2, 17. 

Hariharapur, 2, 5, 6, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 137, 384. 
Hari Krishna, 280. 
Harnalston, 309. 
Harnett, Elizabeth. 

Harnett, Captain Henry, 321, 326, 335, 369. 
Harriot, WiUiam, 347, 348. . 
Harris, I, 373. 

Harris, II, 373. • 

Harris, James, 348. 
Harris, Mrs., 290. 
Harris, Thomas, 347. 
Harsapur, i.e. Hari9pnr, 2, 3, 4, 6, 18, 
Hart, Mrs., 373. 
Harldl, yellow arsenic, 408. 
Sashu-l-amr., "according to comjaand," an 

order signed by the vizier, 242, 243, 

295 299. 
Sashu-l-hukum, "according to command," 

an order signed by the vizier, 242. 
Hastings, 308. 
Hatch, 20. 
Hatiagar, 131. 
Haynes, 372. 

Head, first quality silk, 26, 376. 
Heath, Captnin William, 737, 115, 117, 118, 

119, 120, 121, 122, 123. 
Eeathcote Ship, 325, note, 368, 374. 
Hedges, William, 71, 72. 73, 77, 78, 79, 

80, 81, 82, 83. 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 

93, 94, 140, 381. 



Hedges, Robert, 154, 162, 164, 186. 187, 
188, 204, 227 238, 243, 245, 250, 
262, 265, 276, 338, 339, 341, 342, 345, 
352, 353. 370, 374. 

St. Helena, 154. 

Hemminar, Benjamin, 346. 

Hemp, 6, 378, 379. 

Herbert, Captain, 310. 

Herbert Ship, 3G7. 

Herron, Captain George, 48, 115. 

Herne Ship, 325. 

Eester Ship, 367, 368. 

Hewer, 200. 

HijUi, 19, 53, 97, 98, 99, 104, 105, 106, 107, 
108, 114, 116, 133. 

Hill, J., 1275, 141, 143. 

Hill, Mrs., 310. 

Hobbridge, Thomas, 347. 

Hc^ga, 400. 

Holiday, 329. 

Holsten, Daniel, 347. 

Holwell, J.Z., 192, 193, 196. 

Honor, 74. 

Honourable, 338. 

Eopeicell Ship, 2, 23. 

Hopkins, 33. 

Hopkins, Charles, 244. 

Horses, 332, 389, 

Hospital, 214. 289, 327. 

House-rent, 3i39. 

How, 87. 

Mcucland Ship, 304, 368. 

Howrah, 129'. 

Hubbard, Thomas, 331, 337. 

Hubble-bubble, a huka, 226. 

Hudson, Henry, 368. 

Hudson, Robert, 368. 

Suffl^ Ana Ketch, 244. 

Hugli. 18, 24, 25, 26. 27, 31, 32, 33, 34, 
37. 39, 45. 46, 47, 48, 53, 54, 55, 56, 
57, 58, 61. 72, 73, 74, 75, 78, 79, 80 
82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87. 88, 94, 96, 97*, 
98, 99, 101, 102, 107, 111. 116, 117, 
119, 124, 127, 130, 135, 136, 140, 
145, 148. 149. 163, 179. 181, 183, 185, 
186, 198, 203, 214, 239, 273, 283, 293, 
294, 295, 296, 297. 315. 316, 317. 321, 
341, 377, 380, 386, 387, 390, 391. 

Hugh Point. 50, 104, 106. 

Hugli River, 34, 47, 48, 53. 92. 98 101 
104, 105, 116, 127. 132, 136, ' 139! 
179, 212. » -^ ". 

Huka, 292. 

Hummums, piece-gooda, 384, 398. 

Hungerford, John, 350. 

Hungerford, Mary, 351. 

Hnnia, 131. 

Hunt, James, 364. 

Hunt, Mrs., 364. 

Hunting, 312, 329. 

Hurst, Robert, 368. 

Husain Shah, 130. 

Hnssey, Edward, 1 15. 

Hussey, George, 240. 290 i 

Hyde, Rev. H. B., 215 

Ibrihim Khan, 93, 123, 124, 140, 147, 148. 

Ichapnr, 130. 

'Iniiyat UUah, 243. 

India, 4 (adj.), 19, 31, 34, 57. 

India used to mean the Malabar coast, 10, 

Indian customs, 65. 
Indian dress, 65. 
Indian wives, 65. 
Indian women, 66. 
Indraghat, 130. 
Ingot, 384. 
Innes, Jane, 57. 

Interest at 12 per cent., 231, 253. 
Interlopers, 57, 73, 74, 75, 79, 82, 85. 
Intestate, 262, 264. 
Iron, 379, 398. 

Islamabad, i.e., Chittagong, 49. 
Islam Khan, 8. 
Ivory, 403. 
Ivory, Elizabeth, 160, 370, 371, 372. 

Jack, Black, 301. 

Jagannatha, 18, 19. 

Jagat Das, 195, 363. 

Jagat Rai, 147. 

Jagatsinhpur, 2. 

Jagirdar, one who holds an assignment of 

land or revenue on account of military 

service, 240, 255. 
Jahangir, 8, 24, 152. 
Jaikrishna, 289. 
Jaju, 173, 178. 
Jambi, 10. 

James and Mairy Sand, 104, 145. 
James II., 90, 95. 
James Ship, 115. 
Jamuna, 80, 130, 132. 
Janardana Sett, see Sett, Janardana. 
Jane Ship, 367. 
Jangal Gir. 129. 
Jiini, 348, 349. 
Jansen, Simon, 809. 
Japan, 203, 375, 377, 40O. 
Japara, 10. 
Jaunpore, 379. 
Java, 402, 403. 
Jay, George, 154. 
Jayadhali, 131, 
Jellmghi, 80, 81, 

Jemmewars, piece-goods, 399 402. 
Jeronima, 348. * 

Jhdnp, a hurdle of matting and bamboo 

used as a shutter, 190. 
JinjaU oil, 398. 
Jitmal Karon, 255, 256. 
Jizyah, a capitation tax levied byMosnlman 

on mfidels, 79, 241. 
Johanna Ship, 372. 
Johnson, James, 247, 253. 
Johnson, John, 262. 



Johnson, William, 79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 85. 

JoUard, 110. 

Jones, Nathaniel, 330. 

Jones, Sarah, 331. 

Jounsen, Josia, 282. 

Joyce, 380. 

Jubal, a slave, 336. 

Julpha, 125. 

Junk, a large eastern ship, 3, 10. 

Junkaneers, collectors of customs, 168. 

Junken, customs, 11, 89. 

Juno Ship, 368. 

Jute, 61, 


Kahan, a measure of value equal to 1,280 

kawri shells, or eight annas, 219. 
Kahar, a low caste employed as menial 

servants, 222, 225. 
Kali, 129, 130, 131, 134, 

Kalighat, 54, 129, 130, 131. 

Kalkapur, 81, 225. 

Katrunga, 131, 199. 

Kamarhat, 130. 

Kamarhati, 131. 

Kam Bakhsh, 171, 174, 178, 182, 184, 295, 

Kanthi, 104. 

Kassimbazar Sloop, 347. 

Kiitjuri, R. 17. 

Kawri, a small shell used as coin, 219, 222. 

Kefar, Charles, 368. 

Kenn, John, 33, 375. 

Keys of Fort William, 163, 239, 338. 

Khalanfchar, Khojali Phanoos, 125, 200, 369. 

Kh&lisah, land of which the revenue re- 
mains the property of Government, 244. 

KTiamar, lands originally waste, but which 
having been brought into cultivation are 
not leased out for a money rent, 285. 

Khandl, a weight, 401, 403. 

Khardaha, 131. 

Kha^-navis^ private secretary, 260. 

Khasa, fine muslin, 18, 20, 255, 384, 398, 402. 

Khejiri, 104, 105. 

Khwajah Muhammad, 259, 334. 

Kidderpore, 182, 314. 

Killeram, 351. 

Kincoh, gold brocade, 379. 

King, Arthur, 191, 270, 271, 275, 276, 279, 
280, 298, 299. 

King, Charles, 231, 295, 346, 348. 

King, Dorothy, 342 

King, Elizabeth, I, 333, 350. 

King, Elizabeth, II, 333. 

King, John, 350. 

King William Galley, 339. 

King William Ship, 368. 

KisBum, Timothy, 347. 

Knif ehaf ts as presents, 226. 

Koch Bihar, 35. 

Konnagar, 131, 199. 

ko^ida, 2. 

Kotranga, 131. 

Kotwal, Police Superintendent, 220 223, 

266, 362. 
Krishna Ram, 147, 148. 
Kuch Hajar, 8. 
Kuchinan, 129, 134. 
Kunjapur Khal, 104, 105. 
Kutti Mangan, perhaps a fee paid for 
cutting trees, or perhaps a tax on fodder, 
221, 224. 


Lai Bagh at Dacca, 81. 
Lac, a resinous incrustation produced on 
certain trees by the puncture of the 
lac insect, 379, 398. 
Lac-couries, couries overlaid with lac iix 

various patterns, 255. 
Lahore, 24, 172, 379. 
Lake, Captain, 74. 
Lakshman, 219. 
Lakshmip, Raja, 3. 
Lai Ganj, 53. 

Lamps for every room in the Factory, 390. 
Langhorne, Sir William, 43, 51, 52. 
Lashkar, a sailor, 347. 
Lead, 403. 
Lee, James, 368. 
Leslie, Captain, 96. 

Letters, how to be dealt with by the Coun- 
cil, 249, 388. 
Ley, Thomas, 87, 89. 
Licenses, 231, 273, 276, 295, 301, 314. 
Lioness Ship, 24, 32. 
Litchfield Ship, 368, 374, 
Littler, 16. 

Littleton, Sir Edward, 154, 155, 156, 158, 
160, 162, 163, 164, 165, 187, 204, 213, 
237, 239, 254, 290, 291, 307, 371, 372. 
Littleton, George, 368. 
Lloyd, John, 326. 

Lloyd, William, 191, 233, 235, 275, 282, 
284, 287, 289, 307, 312, 315, 319, 324, 
326, 330. 
London, Bishop of, 215, 317. JT.S.— Cal- 
cutta was in the diocese of London. 
London Company, 152, 156. 
London Ship, 368. 
London Sloop, 322. 
London Yaoht, 347. 
Long, Rev. J., 115. 
Long, Thomas, 235, 240. 
Long Pepper, 378, 380. 
Looking-glasses as presents, 226, 253, 259, 

260, 261. 
Looms, 249. 
Lorette Ship, 115, 120. 
Love, James, 303, 310, 316, 317, 324, 326, 

331, 338, 340, 341, 
Loveday, Jacob, 235. 
Loyal Bliss Ship, 368. 
Loyal Cook Ship, 360, 368. 
Loyal Merchant Ship, 42. 
Lucretia, a slave girl, 340. 
Lungees, waist cloths worn by Mussulmans, 
399, 400. 


Macassar, 10, 17, 877. 

Macrith, 110. 124. 

Madapollam Ketch, 115, 124. 

Madupara, boat, 130. 

Madras, 20, 23, 28, 29, 33, 3.^, 3S, 41, 43, 

45. 47, 57, 58, 71, 93. 94. 117, 122, 
123 141, 143, 144, 145, 149, 161, 163, 
les', 182, 201, 214. 235, 243, 254, 263, 

287, 298, 299. 310, 311, 320, 321. 322, 
325, 402,403. 

Mahanadi, 7. 
Maheca, 131. 
Maisters, John, 191. 215, 270, 275, 276, 278, 

288. 292, 301, 302. 
Malabar, 116. 
Malaca, 377, 398. 

Malcandv, 2. 4, 6, 7, 12, 13. 

Malda, 56, 58, 99, 118, 125, 147, 148, 149, 

leO, 242, 391. 
Malik Barkhwardar. 119, 124. 
Malik Qisim, 106, 108. 
Mallik, Santos. 314. 

Malmal, muslin of fine quality, 255, 384. 
Malva, 171. 
Managers' letter, 227. 
Mandal, village headman, 221, 224. 
Mander, John, 3+7 
Manik Chand, 274. 
Manilla, 125, 370. 

Manjhi, the master or steersman of a boat, 236. 
Maq?udabad, 55, 148, 183, 225, 226, 318, 320, 

321, 322, 377. 
Maria, a slave girl, 351. 
Marriage dues, 223. 
Marshall, J., 375, 381. 
Mary Buoyer, 146, 347. 
Mary Smack, 220, 229, 231, 310, 311. 
Mdsd, an elementary weight somewhere 

between 14 and 19 grains, 379, 397, 398. 
Maih'aU, torches. 389. 
Maah'alchis, torch-bearers, 390. 
Masnad 'Ali Shah, 105. 
Mason, John, 94. 
Massen, Thomas, 48. 
Master, Streynsham, afterwards Sir Streyn- 

Bham, 52, 53, 54, 57, 58, 62, 68, 71, 

86, 87, 388, 384. 
Masnlipatam, 1, 3, 16. 20, 23, 41, 42, 43, 

46, 153, 184, 267. 
Mate, cook's assistant, 390. 
Matreos. Khojah. 346. 

Maund, properly man, a weight of about 2 

cwt., 219, 245. 
Mauritius, 377. 
Maxwell, Katherine, 326. 
Mead Ship, 368. 
Mecca, 123. 160. 

Mee-ing days of Council, 163, 268, 385. 
MeiiT, boimdary mound, 260. 
Mercer, "William, 235, 329. 
Messenger, 145. 
Metty. 398. 
Meverell, Mr., 247. 

Meverell, Elizabeth, 350. 

Mexico, 384. 

Middleton, Charles, 235, 331. 

Midnapore, 104, 254. 170. 

Miners, Captain, 366 

Minister (church), 342. 

Mir 'Abbas Quli, 342. 

Mir Ibraham. 252. 

Mir Jir Ullah, 242. 

Mir Jnmlah, 34, 35, 37, 48. 

Mir Mubammed Dafar, 298, 179. 

Mir Muhammed Baza, 315, 317. 

Mir Qasim, 12, 20. 

Mirhahr, collector of port duties, 261. 

Mirza Momin, 5, 6, 10, 12. 

Mirzapur, 79. 

Mitra, Govindarama, 196. 

Mocha, 350, 368, 370. 

Mogtd, silk of the muga worm, 255, 396, 399. 

M(«ul, an adiective, 122, 232, 379. 

Mogul, the M., 2, 37, 38, 89, 90, 94, 99, 105. 

Moguls, 13, 24, 101, 120. 

Mohanpnr, 384. 

Mohun, 57. 

Mohun, Richard, 383. 

Money borrowed, 253. 

Monsoon, 377. 

Monsoon Ship, 222, 346. 

Montague Ship, 368, 374. 

Moor, 122. 

Moors, 10, 168. 

Morees, piece-goods, 403. 

Morning prayer, 262. 

Morris, Thomas, 347. 

Morse, Mary, 254. 

Morse, Joseph, 254. 

Mortality in Calcutta, 208, 372, 374. 

Monnteny, 235. 

Mr., use of the title, 338. 

Muchalkd, recognisance, bond, 243. 

Miiga silk, 399. 

Muhammad A'zam, 329. 

Muhammad Dara, 259. 

Muhammad Rasa, 299. 

Muhammad Taqi, 346. 

Mn'i-zu-d-Din, 172, 

Mukund Deo, 2, 4, 7, 80. 

-Mnlajor, 130. 

Mulla, a lawyer, learned man, 298. 

Mun'im Khan, 172, 174. 

Munshl, a writer, secretary, 261, 

Murder, 239, 

Mnrshid Qnili Khan, 1S9, 168, 169, 170, 
178, 180, 181, 182, 184, 222, 241, 242, 
247, 252, 253, 254, 258, 263, 266, 26?^, 
272, 274, :i77, 278, 279, 282, 290,295, 
296, 297, 298, 299, 300, 301, 303, a07, 

Musk, 378. 401. 

Muslin, 39, 45. 

Mustard, 398. 

Muster rolls, 244. 

Mu'taqid Khan, 8, 

Mutasaddi, a writer or clerk, 259, 260 261 
392, 396. 

Mutiny, 341. 


Nabob, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 342. 

Nabob of Bibar, 53. 

Nabob of Dacca, 74, 75, 90, 98, 99. 

Nadiya, 54, 130. 

Naib, deputy, 260, 261, 274, 290. 

NdJchudd, native skipper, 4, 6, 9, 12, 

Ndla, water-course, 85, 

Nalin, 348, 

Nandarama, 195, 314, 316, 317, 362. 

Nankin, 401. 

Naqdl, borse, regiments of borse paid in 

money, 327. 
Narayap, 18, 21, 27, 
Native mercbants, 391, 392, 395, 396. 
Nathaniel Sbip, 94, 106, 107, 368. 
Naylor, 85. 
Neck-clotbs, 255. 
Needham, Daniel, 368. 
Negus, Jonatban, 368. 
Neptune Sbip, 367. 
Netlam, William, 21, 24, 25. 
New buildings at Cassimbazar, 397. 
New Company, 161, 162, 167, 187, 233, 

New House in tbe Fort, 227, 229, 240. 
New George Sbip, 367, 368. 
Newins, Francisco, 346. 
Newman, Cbarles, 368. 
Ni'amut Kban, 148. 
Nicbolson, Jobn, 94, 97, 100, 106, 109. 
NicoUs, Eicbard, 347. 
Nigbtingale, Robert, 162, 237, 238, 246, 

254, 262, 268, 273, 275, 276, 287, 288, 

292, 302, 306, 309, 310, 358, 359, 374. 
NlU, a kind of clotb, 384. 
Nimai, 131. 
Nim tree, 131. 
Nishdn, It tters patent signed by tbe prince, 

241, 303, 27, 28. 
Norris, Jobn, 3. 

Norris, Sir William, 152, 153, 158. 
Northey, Elizabetb, 160. 

Oakes, Titus, 347. 

Office rooms, 386. 

Oil, 61, 378, 379, 380, 397, 399, 400, 402. 

Old Company, 162, 163, 167, 187, 228, 229, 

230, 233, 238. 
Olton, Henry, 21. 
Ongley, Samuel, 125, 369, 372. 
Opium, 61, 378, 398, 400. 
Orissa, 2, 11, 16, 25, 48, 80, 104, 147, 170, 

182, 241, 321, 380. 
Osborne, James, 308. 
Outcry, 233, 234, 262, 264, 332, 373. 
Owen, Robert, 334. 
Owen, Tbomas, 334. 
Oysters, 53. 


Pacuculi, 133, 

Pacburiya, 104. 

Packing, 393, 395. 

Padar, money-ebanger, 236, 392, 396. 

Fddl, rice in tbe busk, 285, 294. 

Padshah Nama, 8. 

Pagoda, a Hindu temple, 5, 18, a coin, 34, 

386, 402, 403. 
Paik, a footman, an armed attendant, 220, 

223, 224. 
Pailcdr, retail-dealer, 394, 396. 
Paikpara, 130. 
Palanquin, 64, 389, 390. 
Palmiras Point, 320, 322. 
Pan, tbe aromatic leaf of tbe Piper betel, 

Pancb Pir, 93. 

Parame(5var Uas, 79, 80, 82, 89. 
Parrott, Abrabam, 368. 
Pdrwana, an order, 12, 241, 259, 290, 296, 

318, 320, 324. 
Passage, cost of a passage to England, 309. 
Pass money, 295, 314. 
Pata, silk, a short skein of silk, 376. 
Patani, a tind of silk, 376. 
Patta, a deed of lease, 194, 229, 250, 283. 
Patka, waist-band cloth. 255. 
Patna, 25, 26, 33, 34, 39, 40, 48,53 54, 

71, 72, 92, 93, 94, 98, 99, 123, isi, 169, 

177, 178, 183, 197, 198, 232, 233, 23*, 

243, 270, 274, 281, 282, 287, 293, 307, 

312, 313, 314, 320, 321, 322, 323, 376, 

378, 379, 391, 392. 
Piitua, R., 2. 
Patwarl, a tax-gatberer, a village accountant, 

' 221, 222, 224, 225, 283. 
Paule, Edward, 162, 182, 183, 215, 235, 238, 

243, 245, 267, 275, 276, 277, 278, 288. 

289, 292, 306, 315, 318, 319, 320, 324, 

325, 326, 327, 328, 331, 338, 339, 345, 

353, 354, 359. 
Paulin, George, 115. 
Payments, 244, 
Payton, 340. 
Peacbie, Jeremiah, 124. 
Peachy, James, 287. 
Pegu, 399, 402. 403. 
Pen-knives as presents, 253. 
Pennislon, Anthony, 115. 
Peon, footman, policeman, 220, 221, 222, 

223, 224, 240. 
Pepper, 399, 400, 404. 
PercoUaes, 403. 

Perim, Capt. Charles, 226, 286, 287. 
Persia, 10, 16, 17, 33, 57, 101, 346, 368, 

369, 377, 378, 402. 
Persian, 8, 10. 
Perukes, 65. 
Peteford, Edward, 3, 16. 

Pe<A, market, market- rate, 384, 385, 391, 395. 
Petre boats, 222, 225, 268, 277, 293, 303, 

Peshaur, 172. 



Peahiask, first fruits, tribute, 78, 272, 273, 

Pepys, Samuel, 200. 
Phoenix Ship, 367, 368, 371. 
Phrypp, Richard, 368. 
Pichalda, 133, 
Pierson, Edward, 368. 
Pikdanl, spittoon, 226. 
Pilots, 47, 155, 198, 
PipU, 9, 18, 19, 54, 136, 137. 
Pirates, 273. 

Pistols, as presents, 253, 259, 260. 
Pitt, John, 160. 
Pitt, Thomas, 57, 66, 73, 74, 124, 144, 145, 

163, 168, 183, 184, 264, 287, 325, 329, 

Pittumbers, piece-goods, 399, 400. 
Pittman, Charles, 328, 329. 
Pitts, William, 25. 
Plate, 63, 340. 

Point of Sand, 106, 107, 120, 121. 
Pole money, 221, 222. 
PoHce, 146, 196, 278, 281. 
Pondicherry, 320, 322. 
Poor relief, 842. 
Population, 192, 193. 256, 283. 
Port charges, 387. 
Portuguese, 2, 3, 9, 18, 19, 20, 42, 49, 54,61, 

125, 127, 132, 133, 104, 135, 136, 179, 

Portuguese soldiers, 38, 39, 61, 73, 74, 95. 
Forto Grande, 132. 
Porto Piqueno, 132, 133. 
Potter, Richard, 24. 
Poule, John, 17. 
Powder explosion, 250. 
Powell, Henry, 45, 381. 
Pran Qdha, 220, 227. 
Pratt, John, 326. 
Prayer, daily, 69. 
Precedence, 270. 
Presents, 226, 253, 259, 262, 263, 270, note, 

274, 322. 
Priam, 100. 

Pricing warehouse, 263, 312. 
Princess of Denmark Ship, 115, 120. 
Princess Ship, 124. 
Prisoners, 239. 
Private irsule, 33. 
Procession, 64. 
Provisions, 280. 
Prudent Mary Ship, 74. 
Public entertainment, 239, 163, 
Public table, 388. 
Pumell, Richard, 368, 
Punch, 63, 66, 
Punch-house, 66. 141, 146, 256, 276, 282. 

licenses, 266, 267, 

Punga silk. 399. 
Purser, marine, 62. 
Pyke, Isaac, 368. 


Qdsid, courier, postman, 114, 291. 
Qilsid-dar, postmaster, 179, 298, 
Qazi, Judge, 260, 

Quarrels in Calcutta, 204. 
Quarrels of the English, 66, 
Queda, 403. 
Queen Ship, 367. 
Quentry, 398. 
Quickallver, 401. 

Ragdale, William, 33. 

Raghu, Poder, 52, 55, 57. 

Bah-dari, transit duty, 78. 

Rahim Khin, 147. 148, 149. 

Rainbow, John, 346. 

Sainbow Ship, 42, 

Bajarama, 252, 253, 254, 258, 263, 266, 268, 

Rajghat. 130. 
Rajmahal, 24, 26, 34, 53. 56. 148, 149, 150, 

161, 170, 180, 181, 182, 183, 186. 198, 

242, 292, 293, 296, 298, 319, 321, 329, 

342, 376, 391. 

Rajput aoldlAra, 73, 79, 95, 173. 

Rajputs, 316, 374. 

Ramabadar, 314, 

Ramachandra, 347, 348, 349, 352, 358, 170. 

Ramakrishna, 260. 

Ramnan, 131. 

Rastam' All Khan, 173, 174. 

Rasulpur, R., 104, 105, 106, 108. 

Rasters, piece-goods, 399. 

Batan Sarkar, 59. 

Sati, a seed used as a weight equal to aboat 

li\ of a grain, 384, 385. 
Rattan, 403. 
Ravenhill, James, 235. 
Raw silk, 255, 398, 399 ; sorted and priced, 

394 ; weighed and packed, 395. 
Raymond, Captain Hugh, 251, 253, 368. 
Raynes, 370. 
Pecovery Ship, 115. 
Red Sea, 140. 

Reddall, Finch, Capt., 347. 
Redshaw, Georse. 162. 222. 227, 232, 235, 

238, 249. 253. 254. 263, 375. 
Register, 209, 247, 282. 
Regulations for the Civil Service, 393. 
Seligio medici, 33. 
Religion in Calcutta, 203. 
Remerry, 379. 
Rent, 240, 244, 250, 306. 
Rent-gatherers. 220, 223. 
Repairs, 273. 
Resistance Ship, 115. 
Resolution Ship, 73, 115. 
Retriever Ship, 115. 
Revenue of Calcutta, 220, 223, 312 ; see also 

zemlndari accounts. 
R«whigh, 329. 
Rials, 375, 391. 

Rice. 6. 16, 333, 340, 378, 397, 400, 
Rice, L. A.. 368. 
Richards, John, 83. 
Richardson, Captain, 96. 
Richardson, Dr. Philip, 333. 



Rishira, 181. 

Rising Sun Smack, 245, 347. 

River Sloops, 393. 

Roads, 252, 289. 

Robberies, 266, 274, 278. 

Roberts, Abraham, 115. 

Rochester Ship, 94, 95, 97, 106, 107, 368. 

Roe, Sir Thomas, 152, 153. 

Rogers, Edward, 335. 

Rogues river, 53, 133. 

Roland, 100, 101. 

Romdl, a handkerchief, silk piece-goods 

with handkerchief patterns, 384, 398, 

Romence Ship, 346. 
Roncesvalles, 100, 101. 
Rose. Richard, 328, 329. 
Rose, Sarah, 302, 328, 330. 
Rosewater bottle, 226. 
Rotation Government, 162, 167, 168, 169, 

)87, 227. 
Ruhif Ship, 371. 
Rudderbannies, 399. 
Rupee=2jf. 6rf., 262. 
Rupee Morees, 27. 
Rupnarayan, 53, 104, 132. 
Russell, John, 162, 186, 222, 227, 232, 235, 

238, 243, 245, 262, 276, 288, 292, 293, 

306, 315, 323, 335, 338, 339, 345. 


Saffron, 398. 

Sailors attack natives, 270. 

St. Ann's, 317 : See Church. 

St. Benedict's, London, 334, 

St. George Ship, 368. 

St. Helena, 154, 368, 377. 

St. Lawrence Island, 377. 

St. Marie Ship, 144. 

St Martin, 346. 

St. Thome, 20. 

Saldm, salutation, 15, 293. 

Salami, a present in money, 220, 221, 222, 

223, 224. 225, 250. 
Salaries, 62, 261, 262, 304, 305, 322. 
Salkhia, 129, 133. 
Salt, 53, 99. 
Saltpetre, 2-5, 26, 34, 39, 45, 54, 58, 72, 93, 

97, 98, 146, 246, 249 254, 255, 291, 

292, 384. 392, 399. 
Salutes, 251. 

Samebrooke, Jeremy, 40, 41, 43. 
Samuel Ketch, 107, 115. 
Samuel and Anna Ship, 347. 
Sanad, a grant, a patent. 222, 243, 252, 254, 

263, 266, 269, 271, 277, 279, 280, 

295, 298, 299, 300, 301, 303, 307. 

315, 318, 319, 321, 328. 
Sanahs, a kind of fine cloth, 20, 384, 398, 

Sandal wood, 400. 
Sarai, a building for the accommodation of 

travellers. 6. 
Sarasvati, 80, 128, 130, 132. 

Sarhad, Khojah Isi'ael, 125, 150, 200, 232, 

315, 318, 369. 370, 371. 
Sar-o-pd, a dress of honour, 221, 303, 342. 
Sarshyd, mustard, 284. 
Sarvamangala. 131. 

Satgaon, 128, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 137. 
Sati, 128, l-.i9. 
Saugor Island, 53, 89, 104. 
Sayyad 'Izzat Khan, 242. 
Sceptre Ship, 286, 287. 
Scipio Ship, 255. 
Secretary, 62. 

Secretary's registration fee, 247. 
Sedgwick Ship, 369. 
Servants' wages, 389. 
Sett, Gopal, 289. 

, Jadu, 289. 

•, Janarddana, 185, 199, 289, 315, 317. 


, Mukundarama, 199. 

, Nandarama, 199. 

, Tunumani, 199. 

, Vaisnavacharan, 197. 

, VaranasT, 289, 199, 200. 

Setts, 54, 59, 128, 134, 137, 189, 199. 

Seville, 384. 

Seymour Ship, 144. 

Shah 'Alam, 171. 172, 173, 174, 175, 177, 

178, 180, 181, l«2. 183, 184, 287, 

290, 295, 308, 311, 313, 316, 374 
Shah Jahan, 2, 8, 11, 18, 24, 28, 34, 43 

93, 136, 378, 241. 
Shah Shuja', 8, 23, 26, 27, 28, 34, 48, 77, 2il. 
Sharp, William, 115. 
Shdsh, a turban cloth, 17, 399, 400. 
Shaw, Samuel, 146. 
Shaw, Stephen, 346, 364. 
Shayista Khan, 35, 48, 49, 53, 66, 75, 78. 

79,. 81, 89, 90, 94, 98, 99, 107, 

112, 118, 123, 241. 
Sheldon, Ralph, 157, 162, 187, 188, 190, 

195, 222, 227, 229, 232, 235, 238, 
. 243, 245, 249, 251, 2fi7, 276, 277, 

287, 288, 292, 306, 311, 345, 361, 

362, 350, 371. 
Sherborne Ship, 367, 368. 
Sher Buland Khan, 182, 18.3, 184, 315, 317, 

318, 319, 320, 324. 
Shiq-dar, a revenue officer. 221, 222, 224, 

Shipping, its despatch, 268. 

Ships to anchor nearer the Fort, 268. 

Shewsbury, D. of, 156. 

Shroffs, furrdf, a money-changer, 309, 311, 
' 384. 

Sibpur, 128, 129, 133. 

Sicca. 375. 

Siddo, a slave, 351. 

Silence bought, 270. 

Silk, 17, 25, 26. 34, 39, 46. 52, 54, 58, 
61, 146, 376, 394, 397, 400, 401; ac- 
counts, 394 ; the three crojjs or bunds, 

Silver, 375. 

Silvestre, Francis, 235. 

Simson, Dr. Francis, 146. 



Sinclare, Henry, 336. 

, James, 336. 

. , Robert. 336, 

-, Sarah, 336, 337. 

Singhiya, 53, 54 

Sivaji, 29, 52. 

Slaves, 279. 

Small, Daniel, 368. 

Smith, Captain, 74. 

Smith, Richard, 235, 352, 353, 355. 3o7, 


Smyth. Thomas, 337. 
Smythes, Simon, 40, 43. 
Society Ship, 84. 

Soldiers, 63, 239, 266, 273,277,278. 280, 
291, 293, 303, 314, 323, 324, 327, 
Somer Ship, 374. 
Somnath, 5. 

South, Captain, 204, 250. 
Spanish doubloons, 375. 
Spavin, Robert, 24. 
Spencer, 191, 277, 280, 303, 324, 326, 339, 

Spice Islands, 31. 
Spinks, WiUiam, 339. 
Spooner, Abraham, 350. 
Squabble, sailors and natives, 253, 270. 
Stables, 299. 
Stables, John, 88. 
Stacey, Edmund, 368. 
Stafford, Captain, 58. 
Stames, Francis, 368. 
Stanley, 124, 150. 
Stephens, Edward, 24, 25, 27, 28. 
Steward, 62, 219. 
Stockes, James, 368. 
Stocks, 69. 
Storekeeper, 62. 
Stores for garrison, 271. 
Stratford. 373. 
Stretham Ship, 309, 325. 
Stringer G^We^, 368. 
Sub-Accountant, 279. 
Sub-bakhshi. 288. 
Subadar, governor, viceroy, 290, 319, 320, 

321, 324, 329. 
Success Galley, 368. 
Success Ship, 115, 298. 
Sufwi Khan, 174, 

Sugar, 16, 25, 26, 58, 61, 377, 401, 402. 
Sugar-candy, 401. 
Sukchar, 131. 
Sulalman Shah, 4. 
Sumatra, 145, 404. 
Summer-house, 220, 227, 229, 231. 
Sunda, 377. 
ISundarbans, 80. 

Surat, 23, 33, 42. 52, 62, 65, 68, 78, 79, 
90. 116, 153, 154, 271, 301, 322, 
368, 160, 161, 181, 202, 377, 40S. 
Surgeon, 62. 
Rnrman, John, 321, 326. 
Soroh, 384. 
Survey, 249, 250, 266, 283, 284. 

Susi, striped silk cloth used for lining, 265, 

398 400 402 
SutSnutl, 99, 'no. Ill, 116, 117,119,124, 127, 

129, 131, 135, 137, 140, 143, 144, 145, 

147, 150, 189, 190, 191, 194, 221, 224, 

285, 266. 
Sutanuti Point, 149. 
Stoan Ship, 16, 17, 18. 
Sword-blades, 226, 259, 261, 292. 
Sylhet, 8. 
Syrash wine, 402. 

Tabreess, 402. 

Tael, Chinese ounce, 398. 

TafFata, 34, 52, 58, «5, 255, 376, 384, 396, 

398, 400, 402. 
Tagadag'irs, overseers, 392, 396. 
Tania, 380. 

Tanjibs, an Indian cotton fabric, 255, 402. 
Tank, 212, 311 . 
Tankerville Ship, 368. 
Taramnndeis, piece-goods, 400. 
Tashrif, a complimentary present, 18. 
Tavarez, Captain, 135. 
TacUtock Ship, 265. 
Taicackall Ship, 346. 
Tayler, 25, 27. 
Taylor, James, 364. 
Tea, 63. 

Tench, Edward, 115. 

Tenants : poor tenants to be encouraged, 271. 
Thana reach, 251. See Great Thana. 
Thieves branded, 274. 
Thistleworth Ship, 368. 
Thomas Ketch, 115. 
Thomas Ship, 18, 87, 149. 
Threder, John, 86. 
Throwing-house at Cassimbazar, 397. 

Timber, 230, 248. 

Tin, 376, 399, 400. 

Tindal, boatswain, 347. 

Tinkdr, borax, 379. 

Toddington Ship, 368. 

Tokefield, Joseph, 339. 

Tolson, Joseph, 368. 

Tonnage, 314. 

Tovey, Zacharia, 368. 

Town Calcutta. 193, 196, 221,224, 2^5,286. 

Townsend, Josia, 239, OlO, 347. 

Toys, 401. 

Trauell, 20. 

Treasure, 246, 255, 391, 395. 

Trenchfield, Richard, 79, 87, 89, 110, 154. 

Trevisa, Jonathan, 33, 36, 38, 47, 381. 

Tridgea, toll- tax, 241. 

Triveni, 80, 130, 132. 

Troy, 100. 

Tuquldar, 8. 

Turkey merchants, 46, 73. 

Turner, Elizabeth, 364. 

Turmeric, 58, 379, 398, 399. 

Tutanaga, white copper, 400, 401. 

Tymme, Thomas, 363, 364. 





'Uj 'All, 348, 349. 

Ulubaria, 104, 110, 111, 116, 132, 

Uma Malie9vari, 130. 

Umbertees, 379. 

Umbrella, 64. 

Uniform, 95, 339, 197. 

Union of the two Companies, 161, 348. 

Union Jack, 153. 

Union Ship, 245. 

United Trade Council, 162, 163, 164, 187, 

188, 227, 228, 238, 240, 244, 264. 
Unity Ship, 287. 
Urney girdles, 379. 
Upton, William, 368. 


Valctl, attorney, agent, 219, 222, 225, 246, 
247, 254, 258, 263, 282, 290, 295, 298, 
297, 298, 299, 300, 317, 329, 392, 396. 

Van Eck, John, 309. 

Van Linschoten, 136. 

Vansittart, 235. 

Vasco da Gama, 131. 

Venice, 375, 378. 

Vermilion, 401. 

Vincent, Matth., 55, 57, 58, 72, 73, 74, 78, 85, 
93, 381. 

Vishnu, 129. 

Vixinbridge, Joanna, 337. 

Vizagapatam, 308. 

Volunteering, 297. 


Waqdydnavis, news-writer, 247. 

Waite, Sir Nicholas, 201. 

Waldegrave, Paule, 25, 28, 381. 

Waldo; Henry, 235, 240, 269, 275, 288, 289, 

291. 292, 295, 323. 
■\Vr.ib. Mm., 322. 
^•. .:' lie^. 183, 321. 
V", ..ik.r, Ben3«uixlu,.235, 240, 265. 
Walker, WnKftm, 235, 240. 
Wallis, Captain, 264. 
Wall!'', Margaret, 25?<. 
Walsh, 180. - 
Walthrop, Capt. Thomas, 11^: 
Ward, John, 3. . 
Warehouse for silk, 894, 39.'. 
Warren, Dr. William, 2M, Z^'-s 

253, 267, 335. 
Washing for the Factory, 398. 
Watson, James, 86, 87. 
Watts, 98, 99. 
Watts, John, 248, 831. 
Wavell, Sarah, 160. 

Wear, William, 287. 

Weavers, 273. 

Weaving shop, 219, 226, 229, 397. 

Weltden, Anthony, 186, 195, 203, 337, 338, 

Wendey, Eev. James, 163. 
Wesly, John, 339. 
Wheat, 61, 377, 398, 400. 
Wheatley, Benjamin, 285, 296. 
White, Catherine, 92. 
White, James, 48. 
White, Jonathan, 146, 157, 222, 333, 349, 

350, 351, 
White, Katherine, 351. 
White, William, 332, 350, 351. 
Whitley, Benjamin, 247. 
Whistler, 371. 

Wilkinson, Capt. Daniel, 322, 347. 
William III, 140, 145, 151. 
William Sloop, 348. 
William Smack, 229, 231, 245, 347, 
Williamson, 235, 240, 353. 
Williamson Ship, 84, 
Williamson Ship, 115. 
Wilshaw, Capt. Francis, 73. 
Winder, Jonathan, 162, 164, 227, 238, 243, 

245, 263, 267, 268, 276. 
Windsor Galley, 368. 
Wine, European, 63. 
Wine, Persian, 63, 300. 
Winter, Sir Edward, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 

44, 47, 77. 
Winter, Nicholas, 368. 
Withall, William, 3, 16. 
Wittewronge, Samuel, 235. 
WoodrifEe, Ralph, 353. 
WoodviUe, Capt. Thomas, 303, 309, 339, 

363, 364, 
Worshipful, 338. 
Wotton, Thomas, 368, 
Wright. Thomas, 350, 333, 373, 
Wright, Robert, 873. 
Writer, 242, 275, 


Yard, 20, 381, 

Yule, Sir Henry, 13, G6. 


Zabardast Khan, 148, 149, 150. 

Zaf ar Khan, 80. 

Zainu-d-DIn, 184, 185, 186, 329, 341, 

Zamlnddr, Collector, 190, 194, 196, 238,247, 
258 266, 268, 269, 270, 271, 275, 278, 
283, 293. 294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 
300, 301, 303, 310, 312, 313, 316, 318, 
319, 321, 323, 325, 328, 329, 331, 337, 
839. 341, 342, 360, 361, 362, 363, 

Zii-1-fikHr Khan, 172, 173, 

C. A, r,— Reg. No, 813J(c)-500-d-12.95. 



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